{"id":828,"date":"2019-11-11T09:59:29","date_gmt":"2019-11-11T07:59:29","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/marxistworkersparty.org.za\/?p=828"},"modified":"2019-11-20T05:22:01","modified_gmt":"2019-11-20T03:22:01","slug":"cwi-statement-a-world-of-explosive-social-upheavals-and-inter-imperialist-turmoil","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/?p=828","title":{"rendered":"CWI STATEMENT: A World of Explosive Social Upheavals and Inter-Imperialist Turmoil"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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Mass Protests in Chile<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

The\nfollowing statement was agreed at a meeting of European CWI sections and\nsupporters, along with visitors from the USA and Nigeria, which was held\nearlier this week, in London.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The world situation is marked by explosive social upheavals and turmoil. Even since the re-founding meeting of the Committee for a Workers\u2019 International (CWI), last July,<\/a> there have been dramatic changes in the situation of the struggle of the working class and inter-imperialist relations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The eruption of revolutionary and\nsemi-revolutionary movements by the masses, especially the working class and\nyouth, in Ecuador, Chile, Haiti, Catalonia, Hong Kong, and extremely\nsignificantly, Egypt, Iraq and the Lebanon, have features of the revolutions\nwhich swept Europe in 1848 and also some features of the stormy upheavals in\n1917-18. These events have come hot on the heels of the renewed revolutionary\nupsurges which have previously shaken Algeria and Sudan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Such movements of the working class and\nother layers were predicted by the CWI. However, even we did not anticipate the\nsweep and scale of what has taken place in recent weeks. The CWI has laid\nstress in our previous material on impending revolutionary struggles of the\nworking class breaking out. This perspective is being born out in the\nworking-class mass mobilisations of millions which have taken place. Those who\nbroke from our ideas on an opportunistic basis, looking towards other forces\napart from the working class, have been answered by events and left facing in\nthe wrong direction as recent events have exploded into history. Prior to these\nmovements we also saw the extremely significant movement on climate change,\nespecially September 20-27 which we intervened in. This movement was largely\nmade up of youth including school students. However, in general this did not\ninvolve large sections of the working class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The marvellous united protests against\nausterity and corruption by Sunni and Shia workers and youth in Iraq, casting\noff the shackles of sectarianism, represent an historic advance. The same is\ntrue in the protests in Lebanon which have united Sunni, Shia, Christian and\nDruze people in a mass movement demanding an end to austerity and corruption,\nand the downfall of the government. The masses have come together under the\nLebanese flag as a demonstration of their unity and opposition to sectarian\ndivision. The Lebanese state was created by French imperialism following the\ncollapse of the Ottoman Empire on the basis of an institutionalized form of\n\u2018Identity Politics\u2019; religious sectarian division make these protests more\nsignificant. This movement has forced the resignation of the Prime Minister\nHariri. Significantly gangs from Hezbollah and Amal have now attacked the\nprotests in an attempt to split and divide the movement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Latin America, the revolutionary wave\nsweeping the continent, leaping from one country to another, is bearing out in\npractice the central ideas contained in Trotsky\u2019s Permanent Revolution. These\nupheavals come only a few months after Trump was threatening military\nintervention in Venezuela; a declaration which contributed to firming up\nsupport for Maduro and undermining the right-wing opposition. Any attempt to\nintervene militarily by US imperialism in Venezuela or elsewhere in Latin\nAmerica would ignite a tsunami of mass revolt and attacks on US interests\nacross the continent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As we have commented, the coming to power\nof the right-wing populist governments in a series of Latin American countries\ndid not represent the opening of a dark era of right-wing reaction, as imagined\nby some. The right-populist regimes which came to power lacked a solid social\nbase. They reflected more of a protest against the failure of centre-left or\nleft reformist governments rather than an ideological swing to the right by the\nmasses. Within a very short time scale this has been confirmed. Firstly by the\n47 million-strong general strike in Brazil against Bolsonaro. Now even more\ndramatically by the revolution and uprising firstly in Ecuador, and then in\nChile. Across the continent the right-wing populist neo-liberal regimes are in\nthe process of being vomited out by the masses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite protests since the revolt of the\n\u2018penguins\u2019 (the school student movement in 2006) and the protest against the\npension system (AFP), Chile has lagged behind the rest of Latin America. Only\ntwo weeks before the spontaneous movement erupted, Pi\u00f1era was bosting Chile was\nan \u2018oasis\u2019 on the continent. Now it has been thrust into the front line of\nstruggle with many aspects of the revolutionary traditions of the workers there\nbeginning to re-emerge. These developments in Chile are certain to have a major\nimpact throughout Latin America. The capitalist classes have all held Chile up\nas the model to aspire to, i.e. brutal neo-liberalism and relative stability.\nThe \u2018model\u2019 has collapsed as millions have taken to the streets, joined general\nstrikes and confronted the military, forcing the government to retreat.\nHowever, appetite comes with eating and the concessions made by Pi\u00f1era have not\nsatisfied the mass movement. With widespread calls for a constituent assembly,\nour demands for a \u2018revolutionary constituent assembly\u2019 and a workers\u2019 and poor\npeoples\u2019 government, have become more important.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The defeat of Macri in Argentina represents\nanother body blow to the neo-liberal populist right. This follows four general\nstrikes and other protests against his government. The masses have, however,\nreturned to the Peronists who have tilted in a more populist-nationalist\ndirection but offer no challenge to capitalism. Alberto Fern\u00e1ndez was elected\nPresident from the \u2018centre\u2019 of Peronism and pledged to respect the $57 billion\nIMF loan agreed by Macri. The memory of the economic recovery in the 2000s,\nunder Fern\u00e1ndez de Kirchner, following the crash in 2002, and hopes that it can\nbe repeated, played a crucial role in the campaign. However, with inflation\nrunning at 56% and over 35% of people living below the poverty line, such hopes\nare set to be dashed. Importantly, the vote for the Trotskyist FIT was\nsignificantly down. Their sectarian approach has been a barrier from preventing\nthe FIT winning significant layers of dissident Peronist workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Revolutionary Upheavals<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These revolutionary upheavals represent a\nturning point in the situation in Latin America and internationally. How far\nthese revolutionary movements develop is as yet unclear. The absence of\npowerful revolutionary parties and a broad socialist consciousness of an\nalternative system to capitalism can result in a certain stalemate in the\nstruggle for a period. However, a new chapter has been opened in which even\nsmall revolutionary socialist organisations can have an impact on events way\nbeyond their numerical size. The uprising in 1989 in Caracas, the Carazco,\npaved the way for the coming to power of Chavez, 10 years later. However,\nfurther upheavals throughout Latin America will not require a decade to\ndevelop.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The heroic movement in Hong Kong,\nespecially by the youth, has illustrated the tenacity and determination of this\ngeneration to resist attacks on their rights and fight for a change in society.\nBrutal repression has been used. It appeared, at one stage, that the Chinese\nregime was preparing for a bloody settlement to crush the movement. Xi Jinping\nthreatened that any attempt to \u201cdivide the nation\u201d would result in \u201cbodies\nsmashed and bones ground to powder\u201d. The Chinese regime has held back from this\nslaughter for fear of the international repercussions it would have. It now\nseems more likely that the current repression will continue in the hope of\neventually exhausting the movement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The fight for democratic rights is a\ncrucial aspect of this struggle and is ingrained into the consciousness of the\nmasses in Hong Kong. The CWI, in our programme, champions the struggle to win\nand defend all democratic rights. This needs to be linked to the need for a\ntransformation of society along democratic socialist lines. Inevitably, in Hong\nKong, the character of the Chinese regime will mean that confusion and even\nhostility exists towards the idea of socialism. However, it is important that\nwe explain what genuine socialism is and oppose the Chinese regime in a skilful\nand sensitive way and to link this with the idea of winning support for the\nmovement in China. The Chinese regime fears the effects the movement in Hong\nKong may have in the rest of China.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The brutally repressive regime in China is\ncertain to face major class battles and upheavals against the background of a\nslowdown in the economy. The awakening of the powerful Chinese working class,\nat a certain stage, will burst onto the international arena and play a decisive\nrole in shaping world events. The hybrid nature of the regime and economy \u2013 a\nvery special form of capitalism \u2013 as we have explained in other material, will\nmean that our programme and demands will combine elements of the social and\npolitical revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

South Asia<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The deepening economic crisis in South Asia\nhas already developed into a major political crisis. Increased state repression\nis paralleled with a historically high level of privatization and austerity\nmeasures. The IMF agreed to bail out Pakistan on the basis of 200 state-owned\ncompanies being privatized and attacks on essential public services. The Indian\neconomy is heading into a recession with the prospect of the loss of millions\nof jobs. Narendra Modi\u2019s regime is increasingly unpopular due to its attack on\nliving standards. He is reliant on Hindu nationalism and patriotism to maintain\nhis grip on power. This and the major repression of national and democratic\nrights in Kashmir have reignited the national question on the subcontinent\nraising the prospect of a Balkanisation of India.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Tamil national question is at a high\npitch in Sri Lanka. The sharp rise in Sinhala nationalism following the Easter\nterrorist bombing is being used by the former dictatorial President Mahinda\nRajapaksa and his family to try and wage a comeback. All the capitalist parties\nare split. There is an increased polarization with divisions existing amongst\nthe workers and poor in all these countries. The emergence of populist\nBonapartism will not be able, however, to hold back the developing revolt of\nthe workers, peasants, youth and most downtrodden sections of society. There is\nthe beginning of the emergence of workers\u2019 struggles. Even the right-wing trade\nunion leaders \u2013 such as WAPDA (All Pakistan WAPDA Hydro-Electric workers Union)\nin Pakistan or the RSS-led union in India have been compelled to support\nstrikes. Now there is discussion taking place amongst militant trade unionists\nin Sri Lanka to possibly form a new party. The CWI sections can play an\nimportant role and be a catalyst putting forward a clear perspective, strategy\nand programme in preparation for the impending storms to come.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Africa<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Africa\u2019s rapid population growth is\ndeepening the crisis it faces as an overwhelmingly neo-colonial continent\ndominated by the different varieties of imperialism. The scale of this growth\nis illustrated by the fact that in 2000 811m people lived in Africa, the forecast\nfor next year, 2020, is 1,340m, over 43% of whom will be living in urban areas.\nNigeria, for example has seen its population grow from 95m in 1990 to 201m this\nyear and this is set to double again to more than 400m by 2050, when it will\nhave overtaken the US as the world\u2019s third most inhabited country. Looking\nahead to 2100 the countries with the three highest forecast population growth\nare African.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While rival imperialisms are competing to\nexploit Africa\u2019s riches or for strategic positions the system they defend,\ncapitalism cannot provide for Africa\u2019s population. This is not just the\nquestion of jobs, but basic infrastructure whether it be clean water,\nsanitation, electricity, housing, transport and the impact of climate change\nlike droughts or prolonged rainy seasons. South Africa, the continent\u2019s most\neconomically developed country, is not escaping being affected by most of these\nissues. Throughout Africa food is a key question. According to the UN of all\nthe continents Africa has the highest proportion of hungry people, 277 million\n(21% of Africans) have \u201csevere food insecurity\u201d while a further 399m (31%) face\n\u201cmoderate food insecurity\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As in other parts of the world it is the\nyouth who are facing much of the brunt of this situation. Currently the continent\u2019s\nmedian age is just under 20 years old. Large numbers of the youth are either\nunemployed or massively underemployed. But the figures of employment have to be\ntaken with a large pinch of salt, in Nigeria anyone who works one hour a week\nis officially counted as being employed. While a number of African countries\nhave seen economic growth in absolute terms, although not necessarily per\ncapita, there is the threat of the impact of a renewed world economic crisis or\nsimply the effect of the current economic slowdown. A particular feature in a\nnumber of countries are mounting debts which mean that debt repayments are\nalready starting to impact on governments even before any increase in interest\nrates.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Against this background there have been\nrepeated struggles on economic, social and democratic issues as well as against\ncorrupt, repressive regimes. In many countries there is the potential for the\nsudden development of struggles. However, as is the case internationally, the\nkey questions will be the building of viable, independent and democratic\norganisations of the workers and the programme which they fight for. The\nmagnificent months\u2019 long struggle in Sudan to overthrow Bashir after 30 years\nin power has been a real example but the fact that the opposition leaders agree\nto a coalition with Bashir\u2019s generals is a grave mistake which poses the future\nthreat of counter-revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Sudanese revolution has shown again the\nimportance of learning the lessons of the 1917 Russian revolution if working\npeople are to come to power. The working class in Africa, along with the youth\nand oppressed, has the power to change society, but where this is not used or\nis defeated then there is the danger of the further developments of ethnic,\nreligious and national conflicts that divide working people and can be\nexploited by opportunists and reactionaries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

World Economic Slowdown<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These upheavals are taking place against\nthe background of a serious slowdown in the world economy taking place and the\nprospect of another global crisis erupting, which we have analysed in previous\ndocuments. The US economy is slowing and economists are raising the prospect\nthat it could slip into recession in 2020. China\u2019s growth has slowed to the\nlowest rate in thirty years. Germany, once the powerhouse of Europe, is set to\nslide into recession. Trump\u2019s trade war has compounded the underlying\nweaknesses that exist in the world economy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The ruling class has not learnt from the\ncrisis of 2007-08. Global debt at the time of the 2007 crash stood at $173 trillion.\nIn 2019 it has rocketed to $246.5 trillion. As the IMF warned, there is a\nglobal time bomb waiting to explode. Low interest rates are encouraging\ncompanies to take on more and more debt, which risks reaching a staggering $19\ntrillion! A new downturn even half as deep as 2007-08 would render the global\ndebt unserviceable, the IMF warns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Trump Presidency is in turmoil and has\nweakened the position of US imperialism internationally. Where Trump\nintervenes, greater chaos and turmoil is sure to follow. The reckless decision\nto pull out of Syria has enormously complicated the position in the Middle\nEast. His blunder in this regard has enabled Putin to step in and strengthen\nfurther the position of Russia in the region and left US imperialism even\nweaker in terms of its influence. For the Kurdish people, Trump\u2019s decision\ncreated grave dangers and showed the major mistake of the PYD (Democratic Union\nParty) leaders of entering into an alliance with US imperialism. It is an\nexample of how a rejection of an independent working class and internationalist\nstrategy and investing hopes in alliances with capitalist powers will open the\ndoor to defeats.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Trump\u2019s decision also enabled Erdo\u011fan in\nTurkey to try and whip up nationalism and shore up his position temporarily\nfollowing his defeat in local elections, earlier this year, and growing\nprotests against his government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Putin has emerged strengthened\ninternationally and has built a powerful military apparatus. However,\neconomically Russia remains weak. Putin is searching around for a puppet to run\nfor the presidency when his term expires, who he will be able to control. The\nworking class in Russia has yet to put its stamp on the situation but it will\ndo as the crisis develops further in Russian society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Trump and the US in Crisis<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Domestically, Trump is facing a major\ncrisis which could still engulf his presidency. The social turmoil and\npolarization within the US and increasing struggles by workers remain decisive\nfeatures of the international crisis of capitalism. The splits within the White\nHouse deepen as increasing numbers of former aides and advisors testify against\nTrump in the impeachment hearings. In scenes reminiscent of the decline of the\nRoman Empire former collaborators have turned on Trump. He is facing the most\nserious threat yet to his presidency. The Democrats, relying on nationalistic and\njingoistic rhetoric, hope to use the impeachment hearings to mortally wound him\nin the run-up to the 2020 election campaign, but it could have the potential to\nbackfire. Given the overwhelming majority-Republican composition of the Senate,\nwhere a two thirds majority is needed for impeachment, it appears unlikely\nTrump will be impeached at this stage. However, such is the crisis unfolding,\nfurther revelations could make his position untenable. Nixon, after all, had\nthe endorsement of the Republicans, until he didn\u2019t and was forced to resign!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There remains a significant amount of\npressure among workers to defeat Trump. This was even reflected at the World\nSeries baseball match in Washington, where Trump was booed and jeered to chants\nof \u201clock him up\u201d which he had used against Clinton. At the same time, at this\nstage, the core of his base has largely remained firm. At this stage, the\nimpeachment proceedings have not yet developed a corresponding mass movement\nalong the lines of the anti-Nixon movement. But that could change very quickly\nand new revelations could turn Trump\u2019s own base against him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The US labour movement has maintained its\nforward momentum, with more strikes in 2019. The past year featured the most\nstrikes out of the last 30 years. The strike wave has begun to move into the\nprivate sector, and, with the recent strike by auto-workers and metalworkers,\nit has begun to move into heavy industry. There have also been a series of new\nunion branches organised at various small and medium sized businesses, and\non-going attempts to organise larger workplaces like Amazon and Google.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, the labour movement still has a\nlong way to go to measure up to American labour\u2019s pinnacle in the post war\nperiod, or its most militant era in the 1930s. While there have been no\nout-and-out defeats in the recent battles, many of the new contract agreements\nare of a clearly mixed character. This has the potential to limit the speed and\nbreadth of the developing strike wave, and there are dangers that frustrations\nwith the union leadership could lead, for a time, to demoralisation rather than\nthe rank and file revolt on display recently. While there have been a number of\nprotest actions taken at various jobs in response to moods in society, such as\nthe Wayfair Walkouts against ICE, these have not been successfully linked to\nthe need for unions in these workplaces, or to the need for unions to seriously\npick up political and social demands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Democrat primaries are clearly\nnarrowing down to two main contenders \u2013 Joe Biden and Elizabeth Warren. Sanders\nhas made a certain comeback following his heart attack. This was reflected in\nhis rally in New York attended by 25,000. The class polarization in US society\nis reflected in these primaries. The endorsement of Sanders by the \u2018Squad\u2019 of\nfour congresswomen is significant. Alexandria Ocasio Cortez\u2019s radical speech\nreflected the class antagonisms which have burst through in US society.\nHowever, it is clear that this is not a re-run of 2016. Sanders lost a big\nopportunity in 2016 by not splitting from the Democrats and launching a new\nparty. He is compounding this mistake today and explicitly arguing for his\nsupporters to come into the Democratic Party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sanders has explicitly stated that he will\nsupport whoever is the Democratic Party nominee for the Presidency. While being\nskilful and sympathetic to Sanders supporters, it is necessary to demand that\nhe should break from the Democrats and form a new party, and criticize him for\nnot doing so. The former CWI supporters in the US who broke from us on an\nopportunistic basis unfortunately fail to give emphasis to this issue and raise\nno criticism of the inadequacies of the programme advocated by Sanders or AOC\nand the \u2018Squad\u2019. They have unfortunately blurred the lines between themselves\nand the Democrats in the election campaign in Seattle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At this stage, it appears that Biden is the\nfront runner to win the nomination although Elizabeth Warren is increasing her\nsupport. Even if Biden is selected, a powerful mood of \u201canyone but Trump\u201d will\ndevelop. The powerful pressure of \u2018lesser evilism\u2019 will be reflected in the\ncampaign. However, at this stage, we cannot rule out a second term for Trump.\nIn a skilful and transitional way, it remains the task of Marxists in the US to\nwarn of the capitalist nature of the Democrats and the need to build an\nindependent workers\u2019 party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Deepening Crisis in Europe<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Europe is confronting an ongoing crisis.\nThe growing tensions within the EU bloc have been sharpened by the Brexit\ncrisis. In addition to the crisis surrounding Brexit, the ongoing crisis in\nItaly with its budget deficit still poses the possibility of a re-eruption of\nthe euro crisis, with the prospect of Italy crashing out. Tensions have also\ndeveloped over the policy of the ECB. As we have explained in other material,\nthese conflicts illustrate the limits of integration which took place and the\ninability of capitalism to overcome the limits of the nation state. The\nantagonisms which have developed between France and Germany illustrate this.\nFurther instability has also been injected into the EU from some central and\neastern European states.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The prospect of Germany tipping into\nrecession next year and the prospect of a collapse of the coalition government\nopen a new chapter in the major European power. This will have major\nrepercussions throughout the EU. The prospect of a deepening social and\npolitical crisis in Germany is unfolding thirty years after capitalist\nre-unification. The triumphalism and optimism displayed by German and\ninternational capitalism then is in stark contrast to the pessimism and turmoil\nwhich exists today. As has been revealed, Thatcher advised at the time against\nGerman re-unification and urged Gorbachev not to go too far with capitalist\nrestoration. Reflecting the rivalries between different ruling classes, she\nfeared a strengthening of German capitalism and also wanted an element of\n\u2018communism\u2019 to remain intact, in order to use it as a weapon politically\nagainst the left and the working class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thirty years on from German reunification, GDP\nper individual in eastern Germany is still only 73.2% of what it is in the\nwest. Despite a marginal narrowing of the gap there remains a significant\ndifference in living conditions and suffering faced by the working class in the\neast and the west. The sense of alienation felt is reflected in the over 40% of\nthe eastern population who consider themselves \u2018east German\u2019 rather than German\nand the recent decline, to 60%, of easterners who feel there has been a\npositive change since unification.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The winter of Merkel\u2019s leadership may still\nbe rocked by the collapse of the Grand Coalition government should the SPD\nfinally withdraw from it. Support for the SPD has plummeted to an all-time low\nof around 14% nationally \u2013 down from the pitiful 20.5% of the vote it won in\nthe 2017 federal elections. The CDU is also facing a decline in its support.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The failure of Die Linke to effectively\nintervene with a fighting alternative has allowed the far right AfD to maintain\nsignificant support in recent state elections. The onset of recession\ninevitably will result in even greater polarization and sharper class struggles\nbreaking out in Germany in the coming period. The debate over the issue of\nnationalization which has developed on housing and the auto-industry is\nsignificant as to how political consciousness can evolve. This offers new\nopportunities for the German section to make significant headway, building\namongst the youth and the working class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The inability of Die Linke to capitalise on\nthe collapse in support for the SPD echoes the failure of both the newer\nreformist and left populist parties to strengthen their positions in Europe. In\ngeneral, there is a historic decline for the support of the former social\ndemocratic parties. In some countries, like Portugal, Denmark and, for a short\ntime, Spain, the social democratic parties have been able to make a certain\ncomeback electorally. However, as the experience of Sanchez and PSOE\nillustrates in Spain, this is not on a solid basis and can melt away very\nrapidly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The mass revolutionary upheavals in\nCatalonia have been reignited by the savage prison sentences given to the\npro-independence leaders. The brutal repression by the state and the sentences\nillustrate that the Spanish ruling class will not tolerate the prospect of an independent\nCatalonia or any breakup of the Spanish state. It is essential that Marxists\nadopt a correct position on the national question. It is certain to emerge as\nan issue in many countries as the crisis intensifies. Support for independence\nin Catalonia is not fixed and will ebb and flow. Should Boris Johnson win the\ngeneral election in Britain then it will enhance support for independence in\nScotland. Failure to adopt a correct positon on this question can break the\nback of left or socialist parties. Similarly the rise in sectarian tensions\naround Brexit in Northern Ireland emphasises the need for an independent class\nposition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is correct for Marxists to support an\nindependent socialist Catalan Republic. At the same time, it is necessary to\nensure that the democratic, language and cultural rights of Spanish speakers\nopposed to independence are also defended, and an appeal is made to the working\nclass in the rest of the Spanish state for a united struggle against capitalism\nand the right-wing parties. This is something the former CWI section in Spain,\nIzquierda Revolucionara, which split from us on a sectarian basis, dismissed\nand underestimated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pablo Iglesias and PODEMOS have swung\nsharply to the right and demanded ministerial seats in a coalition with PSOE,\nwhich Sanchez rejected. The failure of PODEMOS to offer a socialist alternative\ncoupled with its refusal to support the independence movement in Catalonia have\nresulted in its continued decline.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sanchez\u2019s embracing of capitalism, coupled\nwith the decline of PODEMOS mean that another hung parliament is in prospect in\nthe Spanish election in which the right \u2013 Partido Popular and the neo-fascist\nVOX \u2013 make gains. This complication in the explosive situation in Spain was\ndenied by the IR, who tried to prettify the situation and ignore these and\nother complications which the working class needs to overcome. In Italy\npolarization has also deepened over the renewed electoral growth of the \u2018Liga\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The decline of PODEMOS in Spain has been\nmirrored in Portugal by the failure of the Left Bloc to make headway. Together\nwith the Communist Party they have been imprisoned into supporting the\nSocialist Party government and its policies by the agreement they signed up to.\nThe Communist Party lost one third of its seats. The Left Bloc, while\nmaintaining its vote at 10%, still lost 50,000 votes. The SP government\nbenefited from a slight growth in the economy, largely as the result of\ntourism. However, this will not last. The government has already come into\ncollision with teachers and hospital workers who took strike action in the run\nup to the election.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The compromise and dithering of the new\nleft parties has been reflected by the Corbynista-led Labour Party in Britain.\nThe turmoil over Brexit has led to an unprecedented political crisis\nreminiscent of the dramas previously played out in southern Europe or Latin\nAmerica. A political fragmentation has run through all parties, resulting in\ndivisions and splits. It is the synchronising of the political infrastructure\nwith the economic reality of a rotten imperialist power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The turmoil over Brexit has been used to\nmask the underlying explosive situation that exists in Britain. The constant\nguerrilla attacks by the right wing in the Labour Party and Corbyn\u2019s failure to\nact decisively mean that the Corbynistas have not capitalized on the explosive\nsocial discontent which exists. The Tories hope that the campaign for the 12\nDecember election will be a \u2018Brexit\u2019 one and the social and class issues will\nbe hidden. However, as in the 2017 campaign, this is unlikely to be the case\nand these issues can come to the fore. This election is the most unpredictable\nfor decades, as all the capitalist commentators acknowledge. It is not excluded\nthat Corbyn and Labour could emerge as the largest party or even have a small\noverall majority. However, this is far from certain, and a Johnson victory or\nanother hung parliament are also strong possibilities. Should Johnson win, the\nground will be laid for bitter class battles to erupt. Should Corbyn and Labour\nwin, then it will open an era of political turmoil and struggle and splits in\nLabour.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

France under Macron has already seen big\nsocial upheavals and protests particularly in the \u2018Gilet Jaunes\u2019 movement.\nStrikes have broken out but the CGT and trade union federations have not\nunified these and other movements into a generalized struggle. Dissatisfaction\nwith his government continues to grow and has rocketed to 65%! The reform\npackage Macron is forcing through and attacks on the working class point to the\nprospect of an even bigger social explosion taking place in the short term \u2013\nquite possibly after a national day of action on 5 December. Like the other\n\u2018new\u2019 left parties in other countries the left front, \u2018France Insoumise\u2019, has\nnot strengthened its position.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

On the Brink of Even Bigger Social Explosions<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Europe stands on the brink of even bigger\nsocial explosions than those which have already taken place in Catalonia and\nother countries. The prospect of a new recession and economic crisis in Europe\nand internationally will pose new issues in the struggle. The consequences of\nthe 2007-08 crash radicalised a layer of youth and workers, and big political\nand social upheavals flowed from it, as we have explained in other material.\nThe prospect of the emergence of a more rounded-out socialist consciousness will\nbe posed, offering big opportunities to build stronger revolutionary parties of\nthe working class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

New challenges will present themselves,\nposing the need for us to defend a principled revolutionary socialist programme\nand the application of flexible tactics. With a consistent orientation and\nintervention amongst the working class and youth, we can be confident the CWI\nwill build a much stronger base amongst the working class in the coming years,\nand begin to shape events.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The following statement was agreed at a meeting of European CWI sections and supporters, along with visitors from the USA and Nigeria, which was held earlier this week, in London.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":829,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[21],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-828","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-world-perspectives"],"aioseo_notices":[],"acf":[],"brizy_media":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/828","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=828"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/828\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":893,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/828\/revisions\/893"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/829"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=828"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=828"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=828"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}