{"id":439,"date":"2017-12-22T12:03:54","date_gmt":"2017-12-22T10:03:54","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/marxistworkersparty.org.za\/?p=439"},"modified":"2021-08-25T14:12:56","modified_gmt":"2021-08-25T12:12:56","slug":"2017-anc-conference","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/?p=439","title":{"rendered":"2017 ANC Conference"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

United they stand, divided they fall<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

by Weizmann Hamilton<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

After the most\ntumultuous run-up to any conference in ANC history, watched across the world,\nwith over a thousand journalists in attendance, and the markets moving up in\nanticipation of the results, Cyril Ramaphosa has ascended to the presidency of\nthe ANC after a bitterly fought factional contest. The \u201cradical economic transformation\u201d\nfaction and the business-aligned anti-corruption crusaders fought each other\nall the way from the bottom to the top, in almost all provinces, resulting in\nthe nullification of branch, regional and provincial conferences by the courts.\nIt continued right up to the eve of conference.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Never before has\nthe outcome of an ANC conference, the composition of its delegates and the\nlegitimacy of its leadership elections been decided outside the ANC itself.  During the conference there was a truce in the\n\u201clawfare\u201d \u2013 the ANC\u2019s pre-conference factional civil war that played itself out\nin the courts. Now, however, a factional civil war confined pre-conference to\nbranch, regional and provincial structures, may be elevated to national level. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Should the dispute\nover the 63 uncounted votes be taken to court, theoretically the legitimacy of\nthe entire National Executive Committee (NEC) could itself be posed. The stakes\nare huge. The secretary general is, after the president, the most powerful\nofficial in the ANC. Success in court would mean the removal of the Free\nState\u2019s Ace Magashule and the installation of KZN\u2019s Senzo Mchunu, tipping the\nbalance of factional power in the NEC \u2018top six\u2019 \u2013 currently split three-three \u2013\nin favour of Ramaphosa. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

No unity<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Irrespective of\nthe outcome of a possible court process, however, the ANC\u2019s 54th<\/sup>\nnational conference has failed spectacularly to resolve the underlying\ndivisions that coalesced around the #CR17 and #NDZ17 factional war for control\nof the ANC. The split in the top six has merely been replicated across the\nentire 80-strong NEC with only two nominees appearing on both slates.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is no\ndoubt that Cyril Ramaphosa\u2019s victory over Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was a\ndevastating defeat for President Jacob Zuma. The central aim of Zuma\u2019s strategy\nwas not so much the continuation of his dynasty, but to ensure that his ex-wife\nand mother of four of his children would arrange an amnesty to ensure that he\nwould not spend his retirement in prison in orange overalls. On the face of it\nthat strategy now lies in ruins. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

However whilst\nthe failure to get Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma to succeed him was a blow to Zuma\u2019s\nstrategic solar plexus, his faction has not been defeated. In fact its\nrepresentation in the top six has been strengthened. The top six elections\nproduced a \u2018mixed masala\u2019 with equal representation for the pro-and anti-Zuma\nfactions. This has entrenched the divisions, throwing into even sharper relief\nthe boundaries of the camps into which the ANC is divided. The small margins\nthat separated the votes in the key positions of president and secretary\ngeneral confirm that neither faction is capable of delivering a decisive blow\nagainst the other. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is by no\nmeans certain that Ramaphosa will be able to take even the first step in the\nimplementation of the mandate that was the theme of his campaign \u2013 the\neradication of corruption \u2013 that is, the removal of Zuma in the manner that was\npossible after Mbeki\u2019s defeat after the 1997 Polokwane conference where he ascended\nto power. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The #CR17 and #NDZ17\nfactions resemble two wresters in a title fight who have staggered out of the\nring at the end of the bout with a vice grip on each other. It exposes the\nhypocrisy of the calls for \u201cunity\u201d and denunciation of slates by both factions\nin the run-up to the conference. Instead both sides worked feverishly to ensure\nthe victory of their factions. The outcome of the conference has thus confirmed\nthe very opposite \u2013 the ANC\u2019s deep and irreconcilable disunity. The ANC has survived\nits own conference intact for now.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Zuma recall?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ramaphosa will\nbe under enormous pressure to have Zuma recalled. To succeed he will need a\nmajority in the NEC where he needs only a simple majority. But new ANC deputy\npresident, Mpumalanga Premier David Mabuza, has emerged as a power broker. A\nchess player in his spare time, Mabuza whose favourite book is Tsu San\u2019s \u201cThe\nArt of War\u201d, moved cunningly to distance himself from the #NDZ17 faction in the\nrun up to the conference. With the resources of IT billionaire, Robert Gumede at\nhis disposal, Mabuza bought sufficient votes in his province to have the second\nhighest number of conference delegates and was decisive in Ramaphosa\u2019s victory.\nIn debt to Mabuza, Ramaphosa will be able to move against Zuma only with his\nsupport in an NEC that is otherwise split down the middle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As corrupt as the #NDZ17 faction whose \u201cPremier League\u201d triumvirate (along with Free State and North West premiers) Mabuza was once a part of, he is unlikely to be inclined to take any action against Zuma that could possibly expose his own corruption. \u00a0What lies ahead therefore is paralysis, instability and an intensification of the factional civil war. In time this will make the co-habitation of the two main factions in the same party intolerable for each other and pose the possibility of a split irrespective of their mortal fears as to its implications. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The ANC is faced\nwith the dilemma we have pointed to before: the inoperable brain tumour that\nZuma has become. To remain with Zuma as president ahead of the 2019 elections\nwould be suicidal for its electoral prospects. But removing Zuma could\nprecipitate a split. The reinstatement of the 783 counts of corruption he faces\nwould mean almost certain imprisonment. His faction\u2019s paranoia is expressed in\nthe creeping authoritarianism of Zuma\u2019s administration and the attempt at the\nsecuritisation of the state. Zuma\u2019s off-the-cuff remarks that he would love to\nbe given a six-month dictatorship are not just the innocent ramblings of a\ndelirious dreamer. The charges against Jaques Pauw (author of The President\u2019s Keepers<\/em>), the SANDF\nworkshop to strengthen the State of Emergency regulations and the military-style\nraid on the offices of the Helen Suzman Foundations are a telling indication.\nZuma recognises that he has run out of road in his Stalingrad legal strategy in\nwhich he has utilized to the full his access to state resources that his\nremoval from office would deprive him of.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Zuma\u2019s\nprosecution would energise the various investigations into corruption across a\nrange of state-owned enterprises currently stymied by Zuma\u2019s cronies in the SA\nRevenue Service, the police, the National Prosecuting Authority and the\nDirectorate of Priority Crimes (the Hawks). So extensive is Zuma\u2019s network of\ncorruption and patronage that Ramaphosa would have to carry out a purge of\nministers and their deputies as well as senior management in SOEs including\nCEOs. Once he has moved against Zuma, the floodgates to the entire network of\npatronage and corruption will be opened. To expect the Zupta faction to accept\nthis is na\u00efve. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same time\nthe hopes of millions of ordinary workers and the middle class have been raised\nthat Ramaphosa will now proceed to eradicate not just corruption but the\neconomic policies that have plunged millions into poverty, mass unemployment\nand inequality that have made SA the most unequal society on earth.     <\/p>\n\n\n\n

But if this\nconference has proved anything it is that the ANC has forfeited the right to be\nregarded as the \u201cleader of society\u201d. The outcome is a public repudiation of former\nANC Youth League deputy leader Ronald Lamola\u2019s claim that this conference reaffirmed\nthe ANC\u2019s status. The\nnullification of the ANC\u2019s branch, regional and even provincial conferences\namounted to mere indignity. The potential nullification\nof the national conference would be utter humiliation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Top 6<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

There cannot a\nmuch better gauge of the depth of the degeneration of an organisation that\ncontinues to style itself as a liberation movement, than the composition of the\ntop six. Ace Magashule and DD Mabuza could just as easily have successfully\nauditioned for roles in a gangster movie, as stand for election. That such\nindividuals can be elected and promoted as cadres of the \u201cNational Democratic\nRevolution\u201d confirms not just the cynicism of the ANC\u2019s dominant faction, but\nalso that the ANC inhabits a universe parallel to that of the majority of the\npeople \u2013 the poor the working class, the middle class and the poor.   <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The ANC\nleadership has made much of the claim that the conference was branch-driven and\ntherefore democratic. Nothing could be further from the truth. Periods between\nANC conferences routinely see a significant membership decline followed by\nincreases as conferences approach. These increases are accounted for by\nvote-buying, the convening of branch general meetings for the sole purpose of\nbolstering the prospects of particular factions to ensure access to state\nresources for self-enrichment. Delegates are in many cases not even political\nactivists \u2013 mere voting fodder for the provincial barons \u2013 paid anything from\nR5,000 to R20,000, accommodated in luxury hotels and even \u201cquarantined\u201d to\nprotect them from \u201ccontamination\u201d by larger sacks of money. This was not so much\na conference as a gigantic auction with votes going to the highest bidder. That\nthis five-yearly event meets to discuss policies is simply a bed-time story. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

If, despite the\ndepth of the antagonism between them, the factions remain members of the same\nparty, it is out of the fear for the electoral equivalent of the doctrine of\nmutually assured destruction that acts as a deterrent against a nuclear war. A\nsplit would mean there would be no ANC government after 2019 and almost\ncertainly spell the end of the ANC as a political formation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite the\nthunderous rebuke delivered by the electorate in the 2016 local government\nelections \u2013 a decline from 62% to 54% of the national vote and the loss of 3\npolitically symbolic metros (the economic and political capitals of Tshwane and\nJohannesburg and the ANC\u2019s spiritual home of Nelson Mandela Bay) – the ANC has\nproven that it is incapable of \u201cself-correcting\u201d, whatever that means. Even\nworse it has continued to feed itself on its own its own entrails.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is a paradox\nof the toxic climate of factional animosity in the ANC that there are no\nfundamental ideological differences between them. They are both equally\ncommitted to the preservation of capitalism. What the Zuptas are aggrieved\nabout is the impotence of the black capitalist class \u2013 their failure, more than\ntwo decades since the end of apartheid, to break the domination of \u201cwhite\nmonopoly capital\u201d over the commanding heights of the economy and to create a\nblack capitalist class whose size corresponds to that of the black population\nas a whole. Beyond this the black capitalist class and \u201cwhite monopoly capital\u201d,\nas the conduct of Bell Pottinger, KPMG, Naspers and Steinhoff to name but a few\nhave shown, are morally indistinguishable \u2013 differing with which each other\nonly over who should have the right to exploit the working class.        <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Zuma\u2019s\npresidency will of course be associated with two things: the breathtaking\nlevels of corruption and the insolence of the Guptas. Social Development\nMinister Bathabile Dlamini\u2019s prayer for Gupta-sponsored \u2018state capture\u2019 to be\nforgiven in the same way as apartheid state capture was, betrays the real\ndriving force behind their campaign for \u201cradical economic transformation.\u201d It is\nan insulting attempt to lend political respectability to the industrial scale\nlooting and plundering engineered by a family that has virtually colonized\nZuma\u2019s government — allowed to acquire so much political power, they operate\nas a virtual shadow administration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

The Butcher of Marikana<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

That it is to a\nfigure like Ramaphosa that both the predominantly white capitalist class,\ninternational capital and the constitutional democrats are turning is a\nconfirmation of the class interest that drove his campaign. Ramaphosa began to earn\nhis spurs as a bourgeois politician and future capitalist messiah even before\nthe end of apartheid. In reviewing his role at the time Business Day<\/em> editor Tim Cohen (18\/12\/17) makes the point that whilst\nthe building of the NUM into the formidable force it became \u2013 it reached a\nmembership of 344,000 in four years \u2013 was a critical factor in demonstrating to\nthe apartheid regime that the balance of forces had swung decisively against\nwhite minority rule, Ramaphosa\u2019s calling off of the 1987 mineworkers\u2019 strike\nearned him the respect of big business. Although he believed that Ramaphosa had\nthrown in the towel a little too soon and had failed a kind of ruthlessness\ntest, Cohen concludes, Ramaphosa\u2019s capitulation made him \u201cthe obvious person to restart the (Codesa) negotiations\nthat stalled in 1992.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is the continued unravelling of the very foundations of Codesa that the\nANC conference affirmed. The party of liberation that prided itself on being\nable to compromise with the party of apartheid and even enter into a government\nof national unity with it, finds itself unable to compromise with itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ramaphosa\u2019s inaugural remarks as ANC president was sprayed with a liberal\nhelping of radical rhetoric that would not have been out of place at an EFF\nrally. Welcome as the ANC\u2019s policy on free education dropped into the\nconference from outside by Zuma in a desperate but unsuccessful bid to swing\nthe presidential succession race in NDZ\u2019s favour may be to working class\nstudents especially, there is no guarantee that it will be implemented. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The same applies to the land expropriation resolution. The ANC\u2019s Economic\nTransformation Committee head, Enoch Godongwana, acknowledged the resolution was\nthe \u201cmost contentious and \u2026 nearly collapsed the conference.\u201d (Daily Maverick<\/em> 21\/12\/17).  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

We have been here before. As the Daily\nMaverick<\/em> points out \u201cFor example, among the 2017 resolutions on economic\ntransformation, one on strengthening the Competition Commission\u2019s capacity to\nprobe cartels echoes one taken at the 2007 Polokwane ANC national conference on\n\u201canti-monopoly and anti-concentration policy\u201d aimed at creating competitive\nmarkets, broadening ownership and participation by our people\u2026Ditto many\nothers. There are others that have been left gathering dust, including on land\nreform and redistribution. The 2007 ANC resolution to \u201cimmediately review the\nprinciple of willing-seller, willing-buyer so as to accelerate equitable\ndistribution of land\u201d was never really implemented. It was re-endorsed at the\n2012 Mangaung ANC national conference, which also resolved on \u201cexpropriation\nwithout compensation on land acquired through unlawful means or used for\nillegal purposes having due regard to Section 25 of the Constitution\u201d. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Appointed as Finance Minister on April Fool\u2019s day to spearhead the assault\non the control of \u201cwhite monopoly capital\u201d of the Treasury, Malusi Gigaba\u2019s\nfirst order of business was to reassure the rating agencies of the ANC\u2019s continued\ncommitment to austerity \u2013 a repudiation of the radical economic transformation agenda.\nIt remains to be seen how, aside from savage cuts to social spending, Gigaba\nwill be able to fund Zuma\u2019s parting factional gift of free education.                    <\/p>\n\n\n\n

For the working class the outcome of this conference has been nothing more\nthan the ANC\u2019s five-yearly ritual in radical posturing. The erosion of its\npolitical authority has not been arrested. On the contrary. It is not only in relation to the\nbroader social issues of mass unemployment, poverty and access to essential\nservices that Ramaphosa is bound to disappoint, but most importantly, the\nstalemate in the top leadership of the ANC means, he will not deliver justice\nfor those clamouring for decisive action to arrest the decay in the public\nsector and the purging of the worst elements in the predatory elite.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regardless of the barrage of bourgeois\npropaganda in his support, there are no prospects whatsoever of the much-hoped\nfor rejuvenation of the ANC under his presidency. Given the depth of the\neconomic crisis, he will not have a honeymoon with the working class like his\npredecessors. The first test will be the February 2018 budget over which the\nguillotine of a further much more serious downgrade hovers. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The ANC\u2019s crisis is a crisis for the\nbourgeoisie. The implosion of the ANC means that it no longer commands the\nsupport of the working class majority. The strategist of capital are acutely\naware that the parliamentary arithmetic disguises this fact. It may have a 62%\nparliamentary majority but the 2016 local government elections demonstrate that\nit enjoys the active electoral support of only 34% of the eligible voting\npopulation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The anguish of the strategists of capital is\nreflected in Financial Mail <\/em>editor-at-large\nPeter Bruce\u2019s uncharacteristic advice to Ramaphosa to resort to radical polices\nthey would ordinarily subject to strident denunciation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2026 while Ramaphosa battles to restore some confidence in the economy he will also have pay heed to the strong showing of the Dlamini-Zuma camp and its calls for radical economic transformation. He will have to sell dramatic new policies on land and state-owned companies. That should not be difficult. The constitution already allows for expropriation without compensation and he will have little difficulty, should he try, to persuade the private sector to play a bigger role in state enterprises.<\/p>

\u2026business will understand that compromises will have to be made by all sides in the Great South African Debate. There are boils to be lanced and business will be comfortable enough with the mere prospect of a Ramaphosa presidency to pitch in and help him.<\/p>

It goes without saying that the moment Zuma goes, Ramaphosa will institute a judicial inquiry into State Capture or a kind of State Capture Truth Commission. The Guptas have been fatally rude about him and arrogant generally about their access to power. That stops now. They prospered under a particular set of circumstances in South Africa, most important of which was Jacob Zuma\u2019s weakness for money. Those circumstances have dwindled for months now and they too are officially over. If I were the Guptas I\u2019d get out of South Africa immediately.<\/p>

Ramaphosa, despite his incomplete victory, suddenly has great power but he will be judged harshly if he hesitates. The mood of the country is easy to read. It wants justice \u2013 not merely for the long past but for the near past too. There is no room for prevarication. The country will expect him to act against corruption in a tangible way. It needs to see people on trial and he will deliver. It is, for a start, a sure way to win with a parliamentary majority in 2019.<\/p>

A judicial inquiry will spare no-one. Ramaphosa will draw former public protector Thuli Madonsela into his administration (perhaps as head of the National Prosecuting Authority) for a start and his big test will be who to prosecute once the inquiry is done. Zuma could face imprisonment \u2013 Ramaphosa would probably pardon him but he could only do that once he had been found guilty of something. He will institute a process, with the enthusiastic help of the rest of the world, to bring back money stolen under the State Capture project.<\/p>

The Dlamini-Zuma camp will quickly fall apart. It has no patronage to offer. Nkosazana herself may be offered a cabinet position but it will be something hard, like basic education, where her ability or otherwise to turn around a wreck will be easily measured.<\/p>

\u2026. But the biggest job now, politically, is for the opposition. Once Ramaphosa starts doing what obviously needs to be done, where will it find political space? The Economic Freedom Fighters are vulnerable. Zuma was such an easy target. The EFF needs to make policy it can sell to the marginalised without making impossible promises.<\/p>

The Democratic Alliance is suddenly in the same boat. Without Zuma, or his surrogate, it is going to have to go up against Ramaphosa on economic policy and its leader, Mmusi Maimane, is going to have to craft an economic message that is not only different but also compelling. It is not there yet. Not even close.<\/p>

But that can wait a little. For now, the ANC has miraculously given the country a Get Out of Jail Free card. The thieves and crooks are in trouble but for the most part we can breathe again. We have room to move, to do the right things. It is a blessed moment.<\/p>Financial Mail<\/em>, 18 December 2017<\/cite><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Ramaphosa will find that the implementation of his\nmandate from big business is far easier said than done. Apart from the\nfactional stalemate, this conference has reestablished the two centres of power\ncreated by Zuma\u2019s victory ten years ago. Humiliatingly, Mbeki was not permitted\nto complete his term as the country\u2019s president and was recalled. For the next\n18 months Zuma retains the executive powers of appointment to cabinet and state\ninstitutions.  Ramaphosa\u2019s need to remove\nZuma and his determination to hold on for as long as possible will come into\nsharper collision. It cannot be ruled out however, that a Mugabe-style deal\ncould be agreed with Zuma stepping down in exchange for an amnesty. Ultimately\nthis would be in the interests of factions, increasing the chances of the ANC\nretaining its majority in 2019, safeguarding its access to the levers of power\nand the spoils of office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Changing landscape<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Far more important than the defeat for the Zuma\nfaction, this conference represents a serious blow to the ANC as a whole. The\noutcome has accentuated the depth of the vacuum on the left. Zuma\u2019s failure to\nmake mention of either of the Alliance partners \u2013 Cosatu and the SACP \u2013 in his\naddress, though partly motivated by personal vindictiveness, was confirmation\nof how irrelevant they and the Tripartite Alliance have become. Their\nsolidarity messages themselves especially that of the SACP, revealed their\nincomprehension of the reality that they have been discarded like squeezed\nlemons, their ideological pretensions having exhausted their usefulness. Both\nSACP general secretary Blade Nzimande and president Senzeni Zokwana did not\neven make it onto the NEC as additional members \u2013 just reward for their support\nfor the butcher of Marikana in this contest. The Tripartite Alliance is a spent\nforce.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The working class has every right to celebrate\nthe ANC\u2019s implosion. Another stone in the edifice of the capitalist class\u2019\npost-apartheid dispensation for the perpetuation of our slavery is crumbling.\nBut as much as this is a crisis of bourgeois rule, it is a crisis also for the\nworking class. The ruling class is feverishly preparing for a new dispensation:\neither a weakened ANC government or a pro-capitalist coalition that will\ninclude the DA, the EFF, the UDM and possibly some other parties that could be\npresented to us as a second edition of the Government of National Unity that\nushered in the present dispensation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The working class cannot wait for the crisis to\nplay itself out. Preparations for a mass workers party on a socialist programme\nare now an even more urgent necessity. \nWe cannot leave the fate of Zuma and his ANC kleptocracy in the hands of\nthe bourgeois courts. Nor can we fold our arms whilst the strategists of the\ncapitalist class continue to shape the party political terrain as they have\nwith the creation of Agang, the blackening of the DA, the seduction of the EFF\nand influencing the outcome of the ANC\u2019s presidential factional battle. The new\nSA Federation of Trade Unions should urgently adopt Numsa\u2019s resolution on the\nlaunch of a workers party as its own. A socialist workers party must be built\nthrough mass action, uniting the workplace, communities and students to remove\nZuma and to bring down the ANC government. \n   <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Irrespective of the outcome of a possible court process, however, the ANC\u2019s 54th national conference has failed spectacularly to resolve the underlying divisions in the factional war for control of the ANC. <\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":441,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[17],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-439","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-capitalisms-anc-crisis"],"aioseo_notices":[],"acf":[],"brizy_media":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/439","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=439"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/439\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3303,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/439\/revisions\/3303"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/441"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=439"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=439"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=439"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}