Originally published in Inqaba Ya Basebenzi No. 10 (May-July 1983)<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n by P. Qubulashe<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Killing 18\npeople and injuring 217, the car bomb blast in Church Street, Pretoria, on 20\nMay [1983] produced more dead and wounded than any other action by the ANC\nsince the turn to ‘armed struggle’. The casualties included not only military\npersonnel, but black and white civilians. <\/p>\n\n\n\n That civilian\nlives were lost appears to represent a change of military tactics on the part of\nthe exile leadership. “President Tambo has made clear in recent\nspeeches” states comrade Slovo in Sechaba<\/em>,\nApril 1983, “that we are entering a stage in which we have to answer the\nenemy’s murderous and terrorist tactics against civilians, against women,\nagainst children, against unarmed refugees, by more than just hitting their\neconomic targets.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n To the Pretoria\nbombing, the SA government reacted with yet more murderous and terrorist\ntactics. SAAF planes bombed Maputo on 23 May, killing at least five Mozambicans\nand one South African \u2013 all civilians, and not even at ANC military bases as SA\nclaimed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This was the\nsecond terrorist act of this kind in six months, following the murder of 42\npeople in Maseru by SADF commandos on 9 December last year.<\/p>\n\n\n\n On 9 June three\nmore brave young guerillas, Simon Mogoerane, Jerry Mosololi and Marcus Motaung,\nwere hanged by the vengeful regime in Pretoria.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Where is this\nvicious spiral leading? Does it advance the workers\u2019 struggle for power, for\nthe liberation of all the oppressed? The escalating costs of the present forms\nof ‘armed struggle’ make these increasingly urgent questions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Indeed, every\nwar involves costs. But all war, as every serious military commander knows, is\nconcerned with achieving political ends. Military\nstrategy cannot be governed by abstract moral debates \u2013 such as whether or not\nit is right to take lives \u2013 nor, on the other hand, by the reactions of\nrevenge.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The fundamental question is: what is the nature of our\nenemy and how can he be defeated?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The wanton\naggression and murder by the regime is, in the words of Defence Minister Magnus\nMalan, \u201can example of our capabilities, and of what we are prepared to do to defend\nthe integrity of our country”.<\/p>\n\n\n\n But what is this\n“integrity of our country” which General Malan vows to defend?<\/p>\n\n\n\n The pass system\nimposes on Africans, the overwhelming majority of the people, a status scarcely\ndifferent from slaves. The slave of ancient Greek society was, at least,\nassured of shelter and food. But modern capitalist SA cannot provide to black\npeople even these elementary needs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In 1982 200 000\nAfricans were arrested for failure to produce passes at the instant demand of a\npoliceman or other state officials \u2013 a rate of 550 a day.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ten people every\nday die of TB. Hundreds more, young and old, die of typhoid, cholera, measles,\nand many other preventable and curable diseases.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yet the Minister\nof Health, Dr Nak van der Merwe, found it possible to say: “Responsibility\nfor a high toll of dying children should be shared by those people who bred\nuncontrollably” (!!) (Daily News<\/em>,\n13\/4\/83). Perhaps the Doctor is only prepared to accept responsibility for the\ndeath toll of whites who die of diseases associated with excessive food-intake?<\/p>\n\n\n\n This apartheid\nsystem not only murders black people in their hundreds of thousands every year\nby the slow but very painful means of starvation. Not only does it every year\nadminister the ‘justice’ of the whip on thousands of Africans (40 253 in 1982).\nIt also breeds gangs of white thugs who make killing of black people their\nhobby.<\/p>\n\n\n\n On 17 April, two\nwhite brothers, surname De Beer, stormed into a train compartment (from Pietersburg\nto Johannesburg) and gunned down at point blank range five Africans, leaving\nthree dead and two injured.<\/p>\n\n\n\n One of the\nbrothers made it quite clear in the magistrates court that if he were to escape\n\u201che would shoot more black people.\u201d Reason? Both brothers have “hatred for\nblacks” and believe they were correct in committing this murder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n With no\nexaggeration, the magistrate might well have found himself sympathetic to the\nbeliefs of the De Beer brothers. Many of the apartheid judiciary have the same hatred\nfor blacks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n On 27 October\n1982, a 19-year-old Mr Ronnie van der Merwe fulfilled his desire to hit a\n\u2018houtkop\u2019 black by killing a 23-year-old African, Japhta Kgopa, with nunchaka<\/em> (karate) sticks. The Pretoria\nregional court has sentenced Mr van der Merwe to “no more than” two\nyears in jail. He will serve only 2 000 hours of “periodic\nimprisonment” at the weekends, of which 800 hours have been suspended for\nthe next five years!<\/p>\n\n\n\n A system gangrenous with white racism; a system which\nrelentlessly grinds black people with poverty and disease; which locks them up\nin the squalid labour camps (Bantustans and townships); which super-exploits\nthem at the point of production; which mutilates their bodies with sjamboks;\nwhich hounds and shoots them like rabbits; which has not only privileged whites\nbut succeeded in churning out lunatics of the type of Ronnie van der Merwe and\nthe De Beer brothers…<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n …this is the system which General Malan vows to\ndefend with all the means at the disposal of the state!<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n This system,\ndehumanising and enslaving black people in our country, does not result from\nracial discrimination alone. It is the historical product of capitalism in SA\nwhich has developed on the basis of cheap labour \u2013 the migrant labour system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n However,\napartheid as a political-cultural system has also acquired a relatively\nindependent logic and momentum of its own. Experienced in this sense, it appears\nas the ultimate cause of the oppression of the black people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n State violence<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n But underlying\nall the bloody racist violence of the state, and the lunatic mutants it has\ngiven birth to, is the need of the capitalist class to defend their private\nownership of the factories, mines and land \u2013 in order to perpetuate their\nprofit-making system against the demands of the working class and all the\noppressed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In countless\nstruggles, for example at Bulhoek in 1921, at Sharpeville in 1960, in Soweto in\n1976, our resistance has been met by the bloody violence of the state. There\nhas never been room in our country for pacifist illusions in the minds of the\nmasses \u2013 or for doubting that, to end this monstrous system, the regime’s force will need to be met with\na greater counterforce.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n A search for the\nmeans to defend the masses against the violence of the system, and for the\nmeans to defeat the state, has impelled thousands of courageous youth and also\nworkers to seek training in the use of arms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The previous\nmisguided adherence to the principle of ‘non violence’ by the ANC leadership\nwas drowned in the blood of Sharpeville. Since then \u2013 and, even more, since\nSoweto \u2013 the leaders of the ANC and other organisations have reacted to the\nviolence of the system by organising guerrilla activity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The task, writes\ncomrade Slovo (Sechaba<\/em>, April 1983)\n“is to transform what we are doing into something which approaches much\nmore closely the words people’s war”. The term “people’s war”\nrefers to the struggles fought in such countries as China, Vietnam, Cuba,\nMozambique, Angola etc., over the last thirty-five years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It is true that\nin such underdeveloped countries rural guerrilla armies have succeeded in\ntaking power. But the social conditions which permitted this to take place do\nnot exist in South Africa.<\/p>\n\n\n\n One condition\nfor rural guerrilla war is a massive peasant population. SA has undergone a\npowerful capitalist development, building an industrialised economy, and\nbringing into being a massive working class depending not on the land but on\nwage-labour for survival. The peasantry has virtually disappeared.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Today the overwhelming majority of the people \u2013 in\ntown, on the farms, in the Bantustans \u2013 belong to working class families.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n This fact is acknowledged by comrade Oliver Tambo when\nhe refers to the rural population as being “not…peasants”, but\n“members of the proletariat who happen to be in the countryside because of\nthe way the system operates in South Africa.” <\/strong>(Southern Africa<\/em>, XVI, 1, Jan-Feb 1983)<\/p>\n\n\n\n The history of the last ten years \u2013 even the history\nof guerrilla action shows still more clearly than before that the decisive\nterrain of struggle is in the big industrial cities \u2013 built by the sweat of\ncheap black labour, but under the control of the capitalist class and its\ndivide-and-rule state machine.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n It is only here,\nin the heartlands of capitalist property and rule, that our enemy can be\ndecisively defeated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Where guerrilla\narmies have taken power in underdeveloped countries, it has been against\ndecrepit regimes resting on weak support in society. On its industrial base, in\ncontrast, the SA capitalist class has developed a mighty and ruthless state \u2013 with\na strong social base in the (increasingly militarised) white population.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Can a guerrilla\nstrategy defeat this state? “ln the military field”, continues Slovo,\n“we have proved that there is no target beyond our reach; whether be it Sasol,\nVoortrekkerhoogte or nuclear power stations” …and now, he could add,\nbuildings in the heart of Pretoria.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Unsurprisingly, the\nstate and the class it defends regard the taking of arms against them as an\nintolerable challenge to their authority. Inevitably, these actions goad the ruling\nclass to fury, and to vengeance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The state reacts\nto each bomb blast and attack not only by intimidating peoples of neighbouring\ncountries, but by stepping up repression. Alter the Pretoria blast, as has\nhappened many times before, police mounted roadblocks \u2013 in Soweto, on the\nLesotho border, etc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It is reported\nthat this year alone 25 000 roadblocks have been mounted \u2013 well over a hundred\na day!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Every hunter\nknows that a beast is most dangerous when aroused by surface wounds. What every\nactivist in our movement needs to address with the utmost seriousness is this:\nare guerrilla actions capable of finishing of the beast that is goaded into\nwounded anger?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Some in the\nmovement appear to believe that the system ran he paralysed by blowing up\nrailway lines, factories, etc. ‘The sophistication of the SA economy is also\nits weakness’, they argue.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Wasteland<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Let us leave aside\nthe fact that could these intentions be carried fully into practice, it would\nbe at the price of squandering the product of the labour of millions of\nworkers: our movement would inherit only a devastated wasteland.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Spectacular\nbombings may frighten a few investors into selling off their shares, but,\nrather than weakening or intimidating imperialism and the local capitalists, it\nonly consolidates their unity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n What history has\nshown in other relatively ‘sophisticated’ economies like ours \u2013 in Brazil,\nArgentina, Uruguay for example \u2013 is that urban guerillaism is easily contained\nand defeated by a ruthless state machine, at\nhuge cost to the working class movement and also to the brave but misguided guerrilla\nyouth themselves.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Is there any reason why things would be different in\nSA?<\/strong> This is the question advocates of guerillaism\nmust answer clearly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The point is\nthat a developed and entrenched capitalist system does not depend only on the\nindividuals who rule in its name at any moment, on the factories and buildings\nin existence, even on the present personnel of the armed forces and police.<\/p>\n\n\n\n When Verwoerd\nwas assassinated did anyone expect more than that…a Vorster would replace\nhim? Likewise if the Presidents’ Council building is bombed a hundred times \u2013 even\nif all its members were assassinated would that destroy the power of the ruling\nclass to continue its divide-and-rule constitutional manoeuvres?<\/p>\n\n\n\n But this does not\nmake the ruling class invincible. The mass movement spearheaded by the working\nclass has already, even at this early stage of its resurgence, shown its\nability to inflict defeats not only on the employers, but even against the\nstate \u2013 forcing it for example, to withdraw its Pensions Bill. When Botha’s\nconstitutional proposals are made inoperable, it will be as a result of this\nsame mass power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The miserable\nand worsening conditions of the working people compel them into struggle, not\njust in this factory and in that, over these wages and those working conditions\n\u2013 but in an increasingly generalised struggle to end poverty wages and the pass\nlaws, and to secure a government of their own.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This movement, developed to its fullest, is the only\ncounter-force able to defeat our enemy. It is the only force in this oppressive\nsystem over which the ruling class has no ultimate control. The labour of the\nworking class in production is the essential life-blood without which their\nprofit system and their state cannot survive.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n In far less\nfavourable conditions than in SA today, the Russian working class took power in\n1917, abolishing capitalism, establishing its own democratic rule, and creating\nthe conditions for the liberation of the peasantry, oppressed minorities, and\nwomen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Soviet\nworkers’ state subsequently degenerated, with a privileged bureaucracy usurping\npower. But this does not by one jot diminish the historic lessons of October\n1917.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In the face of\nthe rising workers’ movement in our country, the capitalists’ Financial Mail<\/em> has had to whimper\n“it is not just employers who had to make fundamental readjustments to\ntheir attitudes and policies. The\ngovernment has been compelled to heed the power being exercised by emerging\nunions.<\/strong>” (Our emphasis).<\/p>\n\n\n\n At the same\ntime, in response to the ANC attack on Koeberg power station, it roared that guerrillas\n“must be hunted down and eliminated,” (FM<\/em>, 24\/12\/82)<\/p>\n\n\n\n This difference\nof approach to the unions and to guerrillas does not reflect a sudden\nbenevolence by the bosses to the organised working days. The point is that, far from feeling seriously threatened by guerillaism,\nthe capitalists feel adequate and strong enough to deal with it.<\/strong> Confronted\nwith the organised power of the working class it is a different matter.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Every strike of the last ten years has been \u2018illegal\u2019\n\u2013 organised, like guerrilla action, in defiance of the bosses’ state.<\/strong> Yet the bosses cannot “hunt down and eliminate” the\nlifeblood of their system. Hence the nervous talk of “readjustment”\nand “heed”.<\/p>\n\n\n\n These chilly\nripples are being driven down the spines of the capitalists and their state\neven though only around 7-8% of the black working class are organised in the\nindependent unions. Even on this modest basis what can already be seen is the\nsubversive’ capacity of the working class to end the apartheid system and its\ncapitalist base.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Slovo appears to\nrecognise this in writing that “it is the working class which is the only\nforce that will guarantee that our victory will lead to real social\nemancipation, will lead to the abolition of that kind of exploitation (why not\ncall it what it is capitalism? \u2013 Editor<\/em>)\nwhich is at the foundation of racism, and not just a regime which will just\nreplace the one set of exploiters by another, even though they might be of a\ndifferent colour”. <\/p>\n\n\n\n In short, the\nrevolutionary struggle of the working class to change society is the struggle\nfor national liberation in its only effective form. It embraces the aspirations\nof every oppressed struggler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n To guarantee the\nvictory of this struggle \u2013 the only lasting victory possible \u2013 what is\nnecessary is the development of the working class movement to its full\npotential, as a conscious mass movement for the transformation of society,\nrallying round it all the oppressed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The central task\nof all activists is to assist in the building of this movement of the working\nclass, fully confident of its own power and conscious of its historic mission.<\/p>\n\n\n\n But as comrade\nSlovo admits, the present organisation of the armed struggle does not\ncontribute to this task: it leaves the masses as mere “sympathetic\nonlookers…who welcome what we are doing… people who cheer the brave deeds\nof our cadres and who weep when any of them are caught and destroyed by the\nenemy.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n This is the\ninevitable consequence of a strategy that is conceived, planned and executed\noutside the organs of the mass movement itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The mass\nstruggle is not a passive ‘anvil’, existing in order to absorb the ‘hammer’\nblows of a military strategy conceived from outside. The mass struggle of the\n1970s and 1980s, spearheaded by the working class, is itself the active force in the situation<\/strong> \u2013 the hammer against\nthe bosses and the state. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Every struggling\nworker knows that it is not Morena that can free us. But the present strategy\nof ‘armed propaganda’, instead of developing the self-confidence of the working\nclass in its collective capacity to liberate society, inevitably creates an\nimpression that liberation can he brought from outside its own ranks, from the\nnorth”.<\/p>\n\n\n\n To overcome the\nproblem of passive identification with guerrilla actions, Comrade Slovo\nproposes to “more and more involve the people in actual\nparticipation”. But participation in what?<\/p>\n\n\n\n The only answer\nemerging from his article is \u2018participation\u2019 in the activities of MK, now to\ninvolve not only “economic targets”, but also direct response to SADF\nterror against civilians.<\/p>\n\n\n\n But this would\ncontinue to subordinate the actual struggles of the working people and their political<\/strong> requirements, to an\nexternally-conceived military strategy; it would perpetuate the very problem Slovo\nidentifies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Conditions\nthemselves are impelling wider and wider layers or working people to \u2018participate\u2019\nin a mass struggle that throws up increasingly generalised and political\ndemands. It is this struggle which calls out for the defence and advancement of\nwhat it has achieved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n To serve its\nneeds as appropriate, weapons are a tool, and only a tool.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Each tool is\nuseful in different ways in different conditions. The movement of the recent\nperiod has been governed by a flexible assessment among the workers of what\nactions are possible to undertake in particular conditions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In no factory\nare workers continuously on strike. When action is to be undertaken, it is an\nassessment of the balance of forces which determines such matters as whether to\n‘go-slow’, to strike, or to occupy a factory; how, when and where pickets are\ndeployed; how scabs are to be disciplined; what support can be mobilised from\nother workplaces and how.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It is through\nmaking such assessments, translating them into action, and digesting the\nlessons as a guide to future actions, that the workers’ movement develops its\nconsciousness, its confidence and power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Through the\nconscious and scientific development of this method, embracing the lessons of\nthe working class movement internationally, the working class will rise to its\ntasks in the revolutionary confrontations that are inevitably unfolding \u2013 and,\norganised and armed in its millions, will have the ability to take on and\ndefeat the capitalists’ apartheid regime.<\/p>\n\n\n\n But, whether in a single factory, a region, or\nnationally, the strategy and tactics of the workers’ movement can be of\nformulated only by the direct organs of that movement itself.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n This is the real\nmeaning of Marx’s saying that “the emancipation of the working class can\nonly be the task of the working class itself.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n The strategy and\ntactics of the use of weapons involves no different considerations. In what\nstrike, in what demonstration, in what uprising, what weapons are to be used\nand how is a matter for decision and control by the elected organs of the workers’\nmovement itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The guerrilla\nmethod, on the other hand, is governed by secrecy, not only from the state, but\nalso from the workers\u2019 movement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n What organs of\nthe motor workers were even consulted when a decision was taken to ‘support’\nthe Leyland strike by bombing a Leyland showroom in NataI?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Were the workers\nat Sasol and Koeberg involved in the decisions to try to destroy the very places\nthey were building and working in?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Instead, despite\nthe shelter and support available to the guerrillas, their strategists make a\nfetish \u2013 a for security reasons, they argue \u2013 of their need to isolate\nthemselves organisationally from the mass movement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n But if the need for security justifies this, it is\nprecisely an indication that such actions are not appropriate to the workers’ struggle\nin the existing conditions.<\/strong> When conditions are appropriate,\nevery revolutionary worker will welcome with open arms the weapons and the\nskills which armed and trained cadres can deploy, provided that those cadres\nparticipate fully under the organised discipline of the working class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The workers\nmovement, developing in struggle against the state, will acquire the necessary\ncollective experience to guarantee security.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The present task\nis to build, openly and underground, the forms of workers’ organisation which\ncan effectively lead the liberation struggle \u2013 mass trade unions, and an ANC of\nthe working people themselves.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Such\norganisation will provide the necessary forums for the working class to decide\non what methods are appropriate in particular struggles including what weapons\ncan be used, and when, and how.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Out of this will\ndevelop the means to prepare and carry through, on a conscious basis, the mass\narmed insurrection which alone can isolate and defeat the regime.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The tragedy of\nthe present organisation of the ‘armed struggle’ is that, far from being able\nto defend the workers’ movement, it cannot even defend its own cadres. The\nthree young revolutionaries just hanged in Pretoria were arrested, tried arid\nconvicted of attacks on tour police stations during 1979-81, after their\nunderground hideout was discovered by an African herdsman.<\/p>\n\n\n\n At the same\ntime, the dangerous armoury developed by the state in reaction to guerillaism…is\nturned also against the workers movement. Every bomb blast gives the police and\nthe army more excuse to harass and terrorise workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Workers are\nprepared to make sacrifices \u2013 but not unnecessary ones for the sake of a futile\nstrategy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n After Pretoria,\narmed police stopped cars and buses in Soweto, opening boots and bonnets\nsearching for bombs \u2013 and anything else that interests them. On the Lesotho\nborder, every returning migrant worker was forced to queue up and be subjected\nto the same searches.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Oscar Mpetha,\nveteran class fighter now 74 years old, was placed on trial and convicted under\nlaws pertaining to \u2018terrorism\u2019. The SAAWU leaders are harassed under the same\nlaws.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Many more\nworkers are detained and killed, caught in the net of the SA regime’s ‘total\nstrategy’ against guerrillas. These victims are not only in SA, but, as a\nresult of the regime’s attempt to root out ‘guerrilla bases’ in the surrounding\ncountries too. No end to this is in sight, as long as the methods of guerrillaism\nare continued.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Guerrilla\nmethods also cement white support for the bankrupt capitalist class. Such support\nwill be multiplied a hundred times if guerillaism degenerates into\nindiscriminate violence against civilians. <\/p>\n\n\n\n In Vietnam,\nMozambique, Angola, imperialist armies of occupation fighting far from home,\ncracked under rural guerrilla pressure. But in SA white workers with nowhere\nelse to go will grow crazed under guerrilla pressure, and provide fanatical\ncannon-fodder to garrison the profit system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In contrast, the\nworkers’ struggle, for workers’ unity, democracy, and socialism, offers a\nfuture for all working people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The independent\ntrade union movement cannot afford to remain silent on the dangerous\nconsequences of guerrilla methods \u2013 not from the standpoint of\n\u2018non-violence” or confining itself to \u2018trade-union politics\u2019, but from the\nstandpoint of what advances the workers’ struggle for national and social\nliberation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This was one\nnotable omission in the major political speech by Joe Foster endorsed by the\nFOSATU Congress last year.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The only means\nto ensure the success of the struggle against apartheid and capitalism is the\nmobilisation of the workers and youth around the programme of Marxism \u2013 for\ndemocracy and socialism through workers’ control of production and society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n There is a\nthirst for revolutionary ideas among the black youth. Even the capitalist press\nreports that “a large proportion” of youth arriving in the ANC\ntraining camps express \u201can interest in Marxism”. (Financial Mail<\/em>, 10\/6\/1983)<\/p>\n\n\n\n The youth are\ndrawn to Marxism not for the sake of ideas themselves, but to find a way to\nchange society. Their thirst can be satisfied not by formal study of Marxist\ntheory but by using the method of Marxism to work out practical solutions to\nthe problems facing the oppressed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Pre-requisite<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n As the essential\npre-requisites for the liberation of the black people, the tasks for the ANC\nleaders, and for every activist, are:<\/p>\n\n\n\n This achieved,\nvictory will be certain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Only a mass\nsocialist ANC can undercut the sinister efforts of the apartheid regime to foster\na racial confrontation as the last line of defence of capitalist property!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Only an\norganised working class can stop the terror of the apartheid system!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Only the united\ndevelopment of the workers’ struggle can offer a secure future to all workers,\nwhite as well as black!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Only the unity in action of working people throughout Southern Africa can end once and for all the domination of the region by the terrorist SA capitalist regime!<\/p>\n\n\n\nContinue to Part Four<\/a><\/h4>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"