{"id":68,"date":"2019-08-23T17:09:00","date_gmt":"2019-08-23T17:09:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/marxistworkersparty.org.za\/?page_id=68"},"modified":"2019-09-10T12:36:54","modified_gmt":"2019-09-10T10:36:54","slug":"in-defence-of-socialist-feminism","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/?page_id=68","title":{"rendered":"In Defence of Socialist Feminism"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

by Christine\nThomas, 2019<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

As the age of austerity arising from the great crash of 2007-08 enters its second decade, a new movement of women struggling against their oppression is taking shape. But mistaken ideas on how oppression can be ended have resurfaced too. The ideas of socialist feminism are ever more relevant.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
2018 #TotalShutdown march in Tshwane<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Feminism is back. All over the globe women have been taking to the streets and speaking out about gender oppression. Mass protests against violence against women have erupted in response to horrific rapes and murders of women in India and Argentina. On 14 November, more than 1.5 million students answered the strike call of the Sindicato de Estudiantes\u00a0and\u00a0Libres y Combativas, the socialist feminist platform of SE and\u00a0Izquierda Revolucionaria\u00a0against sexism in schools and in the legal system of the Spanish state. In Ireland, Poland and Argentina women have organised to defeat new and existing reactionary constraints on their reproductive rights, challenging the stranglehold of the Catholic church over social issues.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

#MeToo has\nspread around the world raising awareness of the scourge of sexual harassment,\nwhile the elections of Donald Trump in the US and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil have\nprovoked massive movements against the sexism of both presidents and in defence\nof hard-won rights for women against anticipated attacks. In Scotland over\n8,000 low-paid women working for Glasgow city council have taken historic\nstrike action to demand equal pay.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although these\nare mainly disparate movements, and not all countries have been affected in the\nsame way, it would probably not be an exaggeration to say that a third feminist\nwave is on the move. This follows in the wake of the 19th century first wave,\nand the second which mainly spanned the late 1960s and 1970s. Each has been\nmarked by its own characteristics, shaped by prevailing economic and social\nconditions. However, it is also possible to trace recurrent strands of thought\nand practice running through them which socialist feminists need to address.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 19th century\nwomen\u2019s rights movement emerged in the US from the struggle for the abolition\nof slavery. If black people had the right to equality then so did women. The\nleadership of the first wave internationally rested overwhelmingly with\nmiddle-class women who principally emphasised their rights to legal and political\nequality with men of their own class. This included the right to vote but also\nequal access to the public spheres of higher education, professional employment\nand politics which were considered male preserves in contradistinction to the\nfemale domestic sphere. In many countries, however, the late 19th century was\nalso marked by a growing confidence among industrial workers, explosive\nstruggles by sections of super-exploited workers, including many women, and the\nconsequent rise of new forms of trade union organisation, and the development\nof socialist and Marxist organisations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Increased access\nto higher education and work outside the home spurred a questioning of wider\ngender inequality by women involved in the second wave. The women\u2019s liberation\nmovement, although never numerically large in an organised form, succeeded in\nbringing questions concerning sexuality, gender violence and women\u2019s control of\ntheir own bodies into popular consciousness. It developed against the backdrop\nof social radicalisation and mass movements: international protests against the\nVietnam war, the powerful US civil rights movement, the fight for national\nliberation in the colonial countries. Widespread strikes and industrial\nstruggles were also breaking out in many countries, at times assuming a\nrevolutionary potential.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the US, the\nrelationship with the workers\u2019 movement was quite weak. In Italy, on the other\nhand, it emerged directly from the mass workers\u2019 struggles and they were\nclosely linked. In other countries such as Britain, the workers\u2019 movement also\nexercised an important influence on the feminist movement. This was a time when\nthe potential of the organised working class as a viable agency for fundamental\nsocial change was evident. Yet those struggles and strikes show how, even at\ntimes of mass struggle, the relationship between the working class,\nrevolutionary political leadership and system change needs to be consciously\ndrawn out. This was highlighted by the events in France in 1968, when the\nworking class was prevented from overthrowing capitalism by the lack of\nleadership by the powerful Communist Party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

The new wave<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The current wave\nof protest has developed in the context of the biggest post-war economic crisis\nand the devastating consequences of a decade of austerity in many countries. On\nthe one side, the severity of the crisis has had a radicalising effect on consciousness,\nresulting in a growing rejection of many of the institutions and instruments\nwhich capitalism has relied upon historically, such as the media, church and,\nmost dramatically, the traditional political parties. As the movements of women\ntestify, this changing consciousness is also giving rise to a challenging of\nthe sexist and divisive ideology capitalism has used to back up its economic\nand social control.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same\ntime, however, consciousness is still being shaped by the legacy of the\npre-crisis period, when workers\u2019 organisations were weakened by neoliberal\nattacks and an acceptance of the dominant capitalist ideology following the\ncollapse of the Stalinist Soviet Union. Although there have been some important\nworkers\u2019 struggles, particularly in Greece, Portugal and some other European\ncountries immediately after the crisis, collective struggle has been at a\nhistorically low level in many of the more developed capitalist countries. The\ninability or unwillingness of leaders to fight back against neoliberalism,\nausterity and the effects of globalisation have often led to a rejection of all\npolitical parties and a scepticism about the ability of the working class to\nact as a collective force for change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The present\nglobal movement of women combines elements of a new consciousness with vestiges\nof the old. The fact that women, and other oppressed groups, are combining to\nstruggle against their shared oppression is a very positive development,\nespecially when contrasted with the previous two decades when the emphasis was\non individual rather than collective struggle. \u2018Post-feminist\u2019 ideas reached\ntheir peak in the 1990s and the turn of the century. One of the main messages\nrelayed through the media, popular culture and politicians was that, by transforming\ntheir own attitudes, shaking off victimhood and adopting sufficient\ndetermination, many of the existing obstacles to gender equality could be\novercome. As a consequence, issues such as sexual harassment came to be\nincreasingly viewed as individual problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Today,\ncollective struggles involving a new generation of young women are once again\nraising awareness of gender violence, sexism and inequality. Although #MeToo\ndeveloped initially as a mainly social media \u2018movement\u2019 dominated by\nhighly-paid women in the entertainment industry, it has found a huge echo,\nlifting the lid on widespread sexual harassment and abuse by men in positions\nof power and control. With the confirmation of Brett Kavanaugh as a supreme\ncourt judge in the US the movement took to the streets. Its impact beyond the\nrealms of entertainment and politics could clearly be seen when McDonald\u2019s\nworkers went on strike in ten US cities in September to protest against\nworkplace sexual harassment and in the global walkout by thousands of Google workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Just like the\nprevious waves, the new movement is a contradictory one, with competing ideas\nand strategies. These throw up theoretical and strategical challenges for\nsocialist feminists. During the first feminist wave, the major debate for\nMarxist and socialist feminists revolved around how to relate to the\n\u2018bourgeois\u2019 women\u2019s movement, as it became known, especially when demands for\nthe right to vote and legal equality with men were gaining an echo among\nworking-class women.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many socialists,\nmale and female, felt it was not possible to campaign around issues of specific\nconcern to women related to their gender without this leading to the division\nof male and female workers. There were fears that engaging with the bourgeois\nwomen\u2019s movement and its demand for legal changes within the existing system\nwould result in those ideas being absorbed by the workers\u2019 organisations,\nundermining the struggle for fundamental economic and social change for the\nbenefit of the whole working class. These ideas were successfully resisted by\nwomen such as Alexandra Kollontai in Russia and Sylvia Pankhurst in Britain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Radical feminisms<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The dangers of\nadaptation are present in any movement in which different ideological trends\nemerge. The main strands of thought competing in the second wave were\nbourgeois, or liberal feminism, radical feminism and socialist feminism. It\nwould be more correct to speak of radical \u2018feminisms\u2019 as there were differing\nideas over the basis of male dominance. For some it was located in men\u2019s control\nover women\u2019s sexuality. For others it was rooted in male violence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, unlike\nliberal feminists, for whom women\u2019s inequality is caused by discrimination and\nprejudice, radical feminism attempted to elaborate a social structure theory of\nwomen\u2019s oppression. This located gender inequality in a patriarchal system in\nwhich men as a group dominate women as a group. For most radical feminists,\npatriarchy was considered a social system separate from capitalism and other\nsystems of economic and social inequality.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This theory of\n\u2018the patriarchy\u2019 has been opposed by Marxist and socialist feminists. Basing\nourselves in particular on Friedrich Engels\u2019 work, The Origin of the Family\nPrivate Property and the State,* we have argued that institutionalised male\ndominance is not universal, that societies have existed in which egalitarian\nsocial relations have prevailed. Women\u2019s oppression is rooted in the emergence\nof societies based on class divisions. It is so intrinsically intertwined with\nclass society \u2013 including today\u2019s dominant form, capitalism \u2013 that it cannot be\nanalysed separately or ended without eliminating class society itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is not always\neasy to stay ideologically firm in the face of a new radicalised and\nenthusiastic movement. Some socialist organisations, even some who defined\nthemselves as \u2018Marxist\u2019, allowed themselves to be swept away by the second\nwave, adapting to the movement and accepting its ideas and strategy\nuncritically. Even the use of terminology is very important as it reflects\nunderlying ideas. A loose use of the term patriarchy, for example, adopted\nuncritically from the radical feminists, would have given credence not just to\nthe idea of two separate systems, but also to the erroneous strategy flowing\nfrom this \u2013 a struggle against patriarchy separate from the struggle against\ncapitalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The second\nwomen\u2019s movement contributed to achieving important gains in many countries,\nincluding the right to divorce, access to abortion and contraception, and\nlegislation outlawing unequal pay and discrimination. The more extreme\nseparatism of radical feminism, however, failed to provide a viable strategy\nfor ending women\u2019s oppression, and its influence has since waned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In fact, another\npositive characteristic of the current movements has been precisely the\nopenness of a new generation of women to involving men in their struggle, as\nwell as forming alliances with other oppressed groups. The idea that different\noppressions \u2018intersect\u2019 is in some ways a step forward from the cruder strands\nof radical feminist ideas which tended to see women as an undifferentiated\nsocial category, ignoring or downplaying differences based on race, class, etc.\n\u2018Intersectionality\u2019, however, tends to see class as just one form of oppression\namong many, without understanding how all oppressions are rooted in the\nstructure of class society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

The effects of austerity<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The economic\ncrisis has led to a certain undermining of the liberal feminist notion of\nsecuring gender equality through gradual improvements within the capitalist\nsystem. Even before the crisis, the much vaunted economic gains and career\nadvancements for women were mainly confined to the middle classes, and the\ninequality gap between women widened. Nevertheless, the idea that continual\nprogress was possible gained a certain currency even among many working-class\nwomen. The crisis and its effects have destroyed many of those expectations,\nstrangling at birth the hopes and aspirations of a younger generation of women.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While there has\nbeen no conscious master plan to turn back the clock and force women out of the\nworkforce and into the home, private sector job cuts, and particularly the\nausterity axe wielded by governments on the public sector, have destroyed many\nwomen\u2019s jobs and increased the precariousness of those which remain. At the\nsame time, through the slashing of public services such as nurseries and elder\nand respite care, working-class families in particular are often left with no\nchoice but to shoulder the extra burden themselves. Most of this, and the\nharmful consequences it can wreak on finances, health and personal relations,\nfalls to women.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With women still\npredominantly responsible for the care of children within the family,\nespecially at pre-school age, lack of affordable childcare is often the main\nreason so many working-class women are still confined to low-paid,\nfemale-dominated and part-time jobs, and a major factor contributing to the\ngender pay and pension gap. Low pay means that working-class women and families\nare unable to pay privately for childcare from their own wages while the\nstructural economic crisis means that state spending on public childcare or\nfinancial subsidies to cover the cost of private care is strongly resisted or\ncut back.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Inherent,\ntherefore, in the huge movements of women is not only the rejection of certain\ncapitalist institutions and sexist ideology but also the potential for the\nmaturing of a broader anti-capitalist and socialist outlook. However, this will\nnot be an automatic process. The inability of capitalism to deliver the\nmaterial interests of working-class women \u2013 jobs, pay, benefits, pensions, etc\n\u2013 can be seen clearly during a crisis. The link between class society and other\naspects of gender oppression, such as violence, sexual harassment and sexism,\nis less clear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the recent\nmovements there is often a tendency to consider these problems as deriving from\nthe behaviour or misogyny of individual men, or of a vague \u2018culture\u2019 which\nencourages rape or sexism, without seeing how attitudes, behaviour and culture\nare shaped by the capitalist society we live in and the ideology carried over\nfrom previous class societies. The emphasis has therefore been on raising\nawareness, educating men and changing attitudes and behaviour without any of\nthis being linked to broader economic and structural change \u2013 much in the way\nthat liberal feminists have argued in past movements.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Class-based society<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Socialist\nfeminists believe that all of these things are important. Violent and sexist behaviour\ncarried out by individual men should be challenged wherever it occurs. We have\nalways severely criticised those who have tried to ignore or minimise such\nbehaviour in the name of \u2018unity\u2019 between working-class women and men. We have\ninitiated broad campaigns which have raised awareness about domestic violence\n(in Britain) and sexism in schools (Sweden). Both of these campaigns had an\neffect in changing attitudes and behaviour and, in the case of the Campaign\nAgainst Domestic Violence, in securing changes in the law. But because of the\nnature of capitalist society, legal reform, awareness raising, changing\nindividual men\u2019s behaviour or changing ourselves can only go so far.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Violence against\nwomen, sexual harassment, restrictions on women\u2019s sexuality and bodily\nautonomy, sexism and gender stereotyping are all rooted in unequal relations of\npower and control. As part of the process of the formation of the first class\nsocieties based on private property relations, women became the property of\nindividual men within the family unit \u2013 a social institution which organised\nand controlled both production and reproduction in the interests of the\ndominant economic class. Men within the family, fathers or husbands, controlled\nwomen\u2019s bodies with regards to their sexuality and reproduction, often with the\nsocially sanctioned or encouraged use of violence. Women\u2019s inferior status and\nsocial role became enshrined in the legal system, backed by the church and\nother institutions of class rule. Rape was considered a crime against the male\nof the family whose property had been defiled.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thousands of\nyears later we face a contradictory situation. Capitalism inherited the gender\nideology of previous societies as well as the institution of the family which\nit then fashioned to suit its own economic interests. As economic and social\nconditions have changed, however, the family and social attitudes have\nundergone a sea-change in the more developed capitalist countries, particularly\nover the past few decades. Rigid gender norms and the idea of the traditional\nfamily unit have been undermined in many countries by the influx of women into\nthe workforce, the increase in single-parent households, recognition of\nsame-sex marriage and the growing acceptance of transgender people. The victory\nof the movement for legal abortion in Ireland, and the near victory in\nArgentina, has shown how it is possible to defeat the reactionary ideas still\npromoted by the Catholic church regarding women\u2019s reproductive rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nonetheless,\nbackward attitudes and behaviour can continue to flourish long after the\ninitial material basis for those ideas has disappeared. The capitalist system,\nfor example, no longer directly promotes violence against women in most\nadvanced capitalist countries. On the contrary, important laws have been passed\naround this issue and it is generally viewed as a social problem which should\nnot be tolerated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However,\ncapitalism is based on unequal economic and social relations in the workplace,\nthe family and in wider society. The segregation of women in low paying sectors\nof the economy and the transfer of the burden of public services to the family\nmake it more difficult for women to leave violent relationships. Moreover, they\nsustain the inequality and inferior status from which gender violence derives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Norms of gender\nroles, behaviour, dress and imagery are perpetuated and shaped from cradle to\ngrave, reinforced by capitalist institutions like the media, the education\nsystem, the judiciary, etc, as well as the beauty, leisure and fashion\nindustries. Capitalism is a system in which commodities are sold on the market\nto make a profit. That commodification is extended to the bodies of women, both\ndirectly through the sex \u2018industry\u2019 and indirectly through images and text. The\ninternet and social media have merely expanded the instruments through which\nsexist gender norms can be diffused. Bringing an end to rape, sexual\nharassment, domestic violence, sexism and gender discrimination cannot,\ntherefore, be achieved without fundamental structural change \u2013 eradicating the\ncapitalist system and the network of unequal economic and power relations on\nwhich it is based.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

The role of the working class<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the\nchallenges for socialist feminists is to explain the centrality of the working\nclass in the process of changing society \u2013 because of its role in the\ncapitalist production process and its potential collective consciousness \u2013 and\nto orient the new generation of female fighters towards the working-class\nmovement. One of the strengths of the Campaign Against Domestic Violence, which\nwas launched in the early 1990s and rapidly became a broad-based campaign, was\nits ability to orient towards the working class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For the first\ntime, it established domestic violence as a workplace and trade union issue. It\nexplained how the violence experienced by women in the home also impacts on\ntheir working life and the role that unions could play in securing economic and\nsocial change to enable women to leave violent relationships and lead\nindependent lives. This was achieved despite the fact that the link between\ndomestic violence and the workplace was not immediately clear and despite the\nopposition of radical feminists who were opposed to any link with\n\u2018male-dominated\u2019 trade unions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At a time of low\nlevel workplace and industrial struggle, explaining the central role of the\nworking class is not necessarily a straightforward issue. A positive aspect of\nthe current international movement, however, has been its adoption of the\nstrike as a weapon of struggle (on 8 March, International Women\u2019s Day, for\ninstance) and the turning to male workers for solidarity. The two-day strike of\nGlasgow council workers was extremely significant. Thousands of women workers\nstopped work to battle for equal pay, while male refuse workers and others took\nillegal secondary action and refused to cross picket lines to support them. The\nMcDonald\u2019s and Google strikes against sexual harassment and unequal pay were\nalso vivid examples of the potential of forging unity between female and male\nworkers around an aspect of gender oppression, in this case in predominantly\nunorganised sections of the working class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Challenging right-wing populism<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The other\nchallenge is the need to create and build the political instruments which\nsystem change requires. On the one hand, capitalism\u2019s economic and political\ncrisis has fuelled a rejection of capitalist institutions and ideology. On the\nother, the bankruptcy of the traditional parties of the working class and the\nabsence of viable anti-capitalist political alternatives have resulted in the\nanti-establishment mood being electorally channelled towards right-wing\npopulism in a number of countries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Trump,\nBolsonaro, and Matteo Salvini and the Lega in Italy, have openly expressed\nsexist opinions or behaviour and espoused socially reactionary ideas. Even\nthough these ideas are not necessarily supported by the majority of the\npopulation, or even a majority of those who voted for them, they pose a real\ndanger to the social rights of women and other oppressed groups. Trump, in\nparticular, has been able to create a social base among a layer of white men\nwho feel alienated and undermined by economic crisis and social change, and are\nreceptive to prejudice and backward ideas about women and other social groups.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the US, the\nground is being prepared for a further undermining of abortion rights and\nattacks on transgender rights. In Poland, an offensive has been launched\nagainst women\u2019s already very limited abortion rights. In Italy, the government\nis discussing a law in the name of \u2018parental equality\u2019 which would actually\nmake divorce more difficult for women with children and increase domestic\nviolence. The mass demonstrations on Trump\u2019s inauguration day, and the\noutpouring of women onto the streets in the #NotHim protests against Bolsonaro\nbefore and after his election, give an indication of the scale of resistance\nthat future attacks could unleash.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Italy, Non\nUna di Meno, which was inspired by the movement in Argentina, has become one of\nthe most organised and influential women\u2019s groups internationally, capable of\nmobilising tens of thousands of women and men. Victories can be won, as we have\nseen in several countries, but those gains will always be vulnerable to further\nattacks, as the renewed offensive in Poland has demonstrated, unless a\npolitical alternative is created to challenge the root causes of the problems\nwomen face.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With all their\ncontradictions, the new women\u2019s movements represent the first stirrings of a\npotentially broader working-class and anti-capitalist struggle. A new\ngeneration of young women fighters are being radicalised and mobilised, and\ncould be won to the fight for socialist change. There will be attempts to\norient these movements towards existing capitalist political parties \u2013 towards\nthe Democrats in the US, for example \u2013 or to remain completely independent from\nall political parties, regardless of their orientation, as with Non Una di\nMeno. The challenge for socialist feminists is to participate in the movements,\nengage with the ideas and strategies which emerge, while maintaining\nideological clarity. To explain how the struggle to end gender oppression in\nall its forms is only possible in the framework of a broader struggle by the\nworking class against the capitalist system itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

* Although some\nof the facts on which Engels based his ideas have been refuted by subsequent\nscientific and anthropological developments, the general theory of the\ninterconnectedness of class and gender oppression retains all its validity\n(see: Engels\nand Women\u2019s Liberation<\/a>, Socialism Today 181, September 2014).<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

As the age of austerity arising from the great crash of 2007-08 enters its second decade, a new movement of women struggling against their oppression is taking shape. But mistaken ideas on how oppression can be ended have resurfaced too. The ideas of socialist feminism are ever more relevant.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":196,"parent":66,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-68","page","type-page","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry"],"aioseo_notices":[],"acf":[],"_hostinger_reach_plugin_has_subscription_block":false,"_hostinger_reach_plugin_is_elementor":false,"brizy_media":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/68","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=68"}],"version-history":[{"count":9,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/68\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":631,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/68\/revisions\/631"}],"up":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/66"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/196"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=68"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}