{"id":496,"date":"2019-09-03T09:53:15","date_gmt":"2019-09-03T07:53:15","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/marxistworkersparty.org.za\/?page_id=496"},"modified":"2019-09-03T10:03:28","modified_gmt":"2019-09-03T08:03:28","slug":"chapter-five","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/?page_id=496","title":{"rendered":"Chapter Five"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Leadership or Bureaucracy?<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The explosive pressures building\nup from below after the elections can be seen both in the demonstrations which\nwere mounted against councillors in many towns before the elections, and in the\nnear-riots and victimisation of supporters of minority parties by women\nsupporting ZANU(PF). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

These demonstrators vented their\nfrustration about their poor prospects and lack of housing on supporters of the\nminority parties, but also, in some cases, on well-to-do ZANU(PF) members.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The violence was fuelled\nparticularly by the lack of improvement in their lives experienced by ZANU(PF)\nwomen: “There is a shortage of houses, why should they stay in houses when\nwe don’t have houses. Their houses will be distributed to party members by the\nparty.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At first the ZANU(PF) leadership\nencouraged these actions, but soon feared they would escalate out of control\nand even take a clearer class direction. Appeals for restraint by leaders such\nas Shamuyarira and Nyagumbo had no effect, however, and in the end the\nreprisals were stopped only by the intervention of Mugabe himself. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Pressures accumulating<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

All the pressures of Zimbabwean\nsociety are now accumulating at the top. The inadequacies of the leadership\nwill now be seen more clearly as the workers, youth and peasantry see no\nsolution to their urgent problems. Among the most advanced workers there will\nbe a search for the way out of the seizing up of the Zimbabwean revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Those who started off as the\nleadership of a guerilla movement, forced to live in modest conditions and\noften sharing the dangers of war are now the well-to-do politicians living in\nluxury and fawned on by the capitalists. Nothing brings this out better than\nthe financial contributions these leaders make to the party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Immediately after independence party leaders used to contribute $500 a\nmonth to the party and in return receive an allowance, but now Ministers\nearning up to $4,330 a mouth are only contributing $50 a month.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The outlook of this leadership\nnow reflects its material position of wealth, high salaries, farm ownership and\nincome from businesses. The common complaint among workers is that the leaders\npreach socialism in the day but practice capitalism at night.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These leaders are increasingly remote\nfrom the workers and peasants. Many of them feel closer to the capitalists and\nwealthy whites in the suburbs where they live, than with the masses. Instead of\nclosing the gap between themselves and the masses, they are increasing their\nprivileges. Many are permanently in debt to the building societies and the\nbanks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With their privileged position\nthis layer is unable to make a break with capitalist policies. Neither can they\nmobilise the workers to carry out the transformation of society. They show no\nreal interest in the problems of the workers and peasants. Rather their coming\nto power has been accompanied by the rise of corruption and nepotism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Department of Labour\nofficials are a terrible example of the general contempt and hostility of the\nstate bureaucracy towards the masses. Instead of attempting to solve the\nproblems of workers during disputes, they often call the police in to arrest\nthem.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Within a two-year period, no less\nthan four chief industrial relations officers, one deputy chief, and 42 industrial\nrelations officers resigned to take up positions in private companies. As\nShava, the Minister of Labour, was forced to state after these revelations:\n“One remains wondering whether such officers are not actually agents of the\nprivate sector from the outset.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Evidence has come to light of\nindustrial relations officers leaking confidential information to the capitalists,\nsocialising with management, and being unwilling to speak to the workers. The\nnew labour law gives no powers to the workers to expose and correct such\npro-capitalist activities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Equally in the Department of Land\nand Resettlement, leaders of the co-operatives complain of rudeness and\npro-capitalist policies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With these state policies it is\nnot surprising that the capitalist organisations have no similar complaints!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What is taking place in Zimbabwe\nis more than the transformation of the guerilla leadership and educated strata\ninto a privileged bureaucracy. The top leadership is more than privileged and\nwealthy. Through its growing ownership of farms and involvement in business, it\nis becoming a junior partner of the big capitalists, hanging onto the coattails\nof the monopoly businessmen and landowners.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In August 1984 the Second\nCongress of ZANU(PF) adopted a Code of Conduct, supposedly aimed against\ncapitalist elements in the party. Since that time, the Code has hardly even\nbeen mentioned, let alone implemented. Moreover the method<\/strong> of investigation it proposed, involving secret reports and\nenquiries, is diametrically opposed to what workers want, which is open<\/strong> discussion and action to\ndiscipline those seeking to enrich themselves at the expense of the masses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Code of Conduct was not\nimplemented in the selection of candidates for the 1985 elections at local or\nnational level. Instead, among the ZANU(PF) candidates for election were many\nwell-known owners of big farms and transport companies. They had been put\nforward to the districts and branches as candidates approved of by the central\nparty leadership. Now in Parliament these elements have an unparalleled\nopportunity for enriching themselves, while the rank and file suffer\nunemployment and stagnating poverty incomes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Code of Conduct is the only\nconcession that has been made to control the growing wealth of the party elite.\nThe idea was that the party top leaders would discipline themselves by getting\nrid of their farms and companies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But now it is reported that\nCabinet ministers and army officers are refusing even to answer questions on\ntheir ownership of farms, transport companies, and firms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In reality, after five years of\nindependence marked by growing corruption in the party and civil service, the\nworkers are now well aware that they have no control over their political\nrepresentatives. This feeling is now noticeable right down to the cell level. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

A one-party dictatorship?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The fundamental force behind the\ndrive towards a one-party dictatorship is the crisis of the system which has\nfailed to deliver the goods: capitalism. The lack of jobs, land, houses, and decent\nwages\u2014which capitalism cannot provide\u2014is building up politically explosive\nmaterial.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faced with these pressures from\nbelow which cannot be met, the leadership is balancing between the interests of\nthe workers and peasants and the capitalists. It hopes to maintain the illusion\nthat it gives equal attention to the interests of the exploited and the\nexploiters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If capitalism was a growing,\nwealth-creating system, the demands of the workers and peasants could at least\npartially be met. Social benefits could be expanded and the explosive material\ndefused. With the masses seeing the prospect of satisfying their basic demands\nwithin the present system, the government could tolerate a variety of political\nopinions without fear of weakening its hold on power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Bonapartism<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

But capitalism in the colonial\nworld has been unable to develop the productive forces necessary to provide for\nthe needs of the people. Since independence in Zimbabwe there has been hardly\nany significant advance in production.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Instead of reorganising\nproduction on the basis of state ownership of the banks, mines, big farms and\nfactories, the ZANU(PF) leadership has defended capitalism. The weak productive\nbase has been further weakened by factory closures and the stagnation of the\nworld market.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The ZANU(PF) leadership is aware\nthat the crisis of capitalism is kindling a political explosion. It fears that\nthe frustrated hopes of the masses could turn towards opposition parties. Or\nmore likely, towards internal rank and file opposition movements.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

lt is these pressures which are\nforcing the leadership to balance between the monopolies and strengthen the\npersonal rule of Mugabe\u2014all ingredients which make up Bonapartism in Zimbabwe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The agro-industrial wage dispute\nshows how, at times, the leadership is forced to make gestures towards satisfying\nthe demands of the workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet, more importantly, the\nconflicting pressures are forcing Mugabe further along the anti-democratic\npath. Political opposition is repressed. The state apparatus is being\nconsolidated not so much against the threats from South Africa, but against the\nfuture internal opposition of the workers and peasants.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

All these trends taken together\nare what add up to the one-party dictatorship. The leadership is driven ahead\nalong this road to secure itself in power mainly against the coming socialist\nopposition. At the same time it hopes that the added state powers will help it\nto control different factions and Shona tribal rivalries which are festering in\nthe party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mugabe presents the one-party\nstate as a solution to the national division of the country. It is this aspect\nof the propaganda which gains some support for the one-party state campaign.\nThe illusion is being peddled that the problems of national disunity and\ntribalism can be solved by a one-party state.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The prospect of a one-party\ndictatorship has been strengthened by the collapse of the minority parties \u2013\nthe UANC and ZANU(Sithole). ZANU(PF) rallies regularly have ‘confessions’ by\ndefectors from other parties. Many of these had high positions in their former\nparties. The sense of demoralisation in these parties is deepened by the\nindefinite detention of many party activists.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This collapse, taken together\nwith the deal being negotiated with ZAPU, concentrates\nall the contradictions between the classes within the ruling party<\/strong>. Already\nthe intense party loyalty being drummed into the rank and file is evidence of\ninner party tensions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As the party leadership consolidates\nits wealth and position and the party forces more diverse elements and members\nof minority parties into its ranks, so party democracy is more and more\ntrampled on.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Party leaders accuse new recruits\nto the party of being “just opportunists, hoping to get a job after\njoining the party.” (Ndlovu in Herald<\/em>,\n7 August 1985) In Matabeleland and elsewhere there is, indeed, this ‘false\ntype’ of membership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the ZANU(PF) leaders use this\nfact to falsely justify suppression of party democracy. They are hostile to\nquestions being raised by the rank and file, and direct the party apparatus to\nsuppress all inner-party opposition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The detention in March 1985 of\nMarxists who were members of ZANU(PF) and the official trade unions was only\nthe most extreme form of repression of genuine socialist views within the\nparty.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The workers’ experience is that\ncomplaints are not taken up by the leadership. The party is ruthlessly directed\nfrom above, and meetings are conducted in the form of rallies rather than forums\nfor political discussion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

All potential sources of power\nare being removed from the lower levels or the party\u2014the cells, branches,\ndistricts and regions\u2014and entrenched at the top. A number of decisions have\nbeen taken which reinforce the personal position of Mugabe in the party and\ngovernment. The new political bureau is handpicked by him and it is this same\nbureau which is meant to enforce party control over the Cabinet.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Emergence of a left wing?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

With the widening gulf between\nleaders and members, the objective conditions are ripening for the emergence of\na left wing in the party. Such a grouping would be critical of the compromises\nbeing made and look towards the rank and file for support.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The workers are keenly aware of\nthe left statements occasionally made by individual leaders. The criticism by\nUshewokunze of the Director of Railways who was closely associated with Mugabe\nwas widely discussed. Many, even among the most politically advanced will hope\nthat the struggle for socialist policies would he made easier by a \u2018left\u2019 leader\nendorsing their position.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Comparison is sometimes made with\nthe labour movement in other countries, particularly Europe, which has thrown\nup leaders within the mass labour parties to the left of the official\nleadership. These lefts have campaigned on elements of socialist policies: for\ngreater controls over multinationals, in support of specific strikes, against\nnuclear weapons, etc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These left leaders have stopped\nshort of adopting Marxist policies and methods and therefore, under all the\npressures of capitalist society, have bent and retreated. But they have\nconsiderable support among the activists and evoke a tremendous echo among the\nworkers when they move into struggle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The processes are very different\nin Zimbabwe. In Europe the labour movement has been built by the working class\non the foundation of democratic traditions in the unions and local party\nbodies. Right-wing leaders use all manner of methods to try to suppress\nsocialist opposition\u2014including expulsions of Marxist but they cannot completely\nrule out vigorous debate and the expression of diverse opinions among the rank\nand file. It is upon this democratic base that the left leaders rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ln Zimbabwe the party is\nfundamentally an organ of the bureaucratic elite reinforced by state power,\nwhich deals ruthlessly with ‘dissident’ opinions. Potential left leaders have,\nmoreover, no links to the rank-and-file workers or even to the peasant\ncooperatives. They would have no home base (apart from their tribal and\nregional support) from which to put forward socialist policies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Any potential left leaders would\nalso be state functionaries with all the privileges of a bureaucratic elite.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Any persistent left criticism\nmade by a member of this elite would soon bring into question his salary, mortgage\non the house, car, ability to pay off loans on the farm, etc. His personal security\nwould also be at stake.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But criticism of different\naspects of the compromise with capitalism are made by leaders every so often.\nSuch criticism takes the form of demagogic statements made from above, not\nlinked to the rank and file. These critics are part of an elite which is\nbalancing fundamentally on a peasant base and which is hostile even to the idea\nof the workers controlling the party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The speeches and actions of\nUshewokunze and Tekere show the limitations of these potential ‘lefts’.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ushewokunze, a doctor with\nsubstantial landowning interests in Bulawayo, has called for the formation of\nMarxist study circles. But he was nowhere to he found when workers were suppressed\nfor setting up genuine study circles to study ZANU(PF) policies and Marxism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As the grand master of the left\nphrase, he has not bothered to link up in any way with the critical rank and\nfile of the party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tekere, a maverick whom (at\ntimes) workers have hoped to see expose the privileges of the new elite, is\nanother left phrase-monger.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After announcing the Zimbabwean\nrevolution had been hijacked by the elite, he returned to his Manica base. Instead\nof supporting the demands of the peasantry for land however, he announced he\nwould personally ‘deal with’ squatters on unoccupied ‘white’ land.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These ‘squatters’ are the very\nsame peasants who gave everything to the cause of the guerilla struggle. As ZAPU(PF)\nsupporters they suffered the horrors of the war in the east , but they fled\nfrom Tekere when he came to ‘investigate’ complaints of squatting. His\nstatements against the ‘squatters’ now have the enthusiastic approval of the\nmost reactionary white members of parliament!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Again, for a moment, he gained\nsome respect from workers for his opposition to party violence, and his defence\nof the right of ZAPU to campaign in Mutare. This vanished, however, within two\ndays when he announced he would go, gun in hand, to shoot any \u2018birds\u2019 in\nMatabeleland opposing the one-party state.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The workers can expect nothing\nfrom these elements who change their tune from day to day. These opportunists\nare not prepared in any way to support the struggle for party democracy and\nsocialist policies in a party ruthlessly ruled from above.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Their phrase-mongering is linked\nto the jockeying for power between the different regional bases of ZANU(PF).\nThese regions are in turn the sub-tribal areas of Shona-speaking people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The party leadership is\n‘balanced’ to provide tribal representation according to the different\ndialects: Zezuru, Manyika, and Karanga. The struggles at the top, although\nconducted in the language of socialism and radical policies, are fundamentally\nabout the alignment of different political overlords.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ln the pubs and hotel bars, the\npolitical ‘struggles’ of the petty-bourgeois elite are discussed a they really\nare\u2014in the language of tribalism. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The growing divisions between the\nmasses and the political elite will inevitably lead to a working-class opposition\nmovement to this leadership\u2014of employed workers, youth, women and peasants\nalso.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The leadership is acutely aware\nof discontent over jobs, wages, and land. The recent wage increases before the\n1985 elections of 5 to 15 per cent, and the increase of agri-business wages, show\nthat attempts are being made to hold the support of the workers. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Left opposition in ZANU<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gestures such as these can delay,\nbut not stop, the growth of a movement of opposition. As Marxism has explained,\nreforms within capitalism, particularly in the colonial world, are tenuous and\ncan soon be reversed. The approaching world recession will further limit\ngestures of this kind, as the profits of the employers decline while prices\ncontinue to increase for the workers+ <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The pressures from capitalism in\ndecline \u2014 joblessness, inflation, low wages, and the lack of a movement on the\nland, will eventually force the workers and peasants into action against their\nleadership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With their growing wealth and\nprivilege, the political elite is vulnerable to the charge that they are\nparasitic\u2014defending privileges, but unable to contribute to the building of the\neconomy or political unity of the masses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This opposition will develop\nunevenly. Because of the repression and tight control within the party, it is\nunlikely to rise up significantly within the party cells in the first instance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet in time\u2014as opposition to the\npro-capitalist policies of the party leadership takes root among the youth, in\nthe trade unions, among women, and among peasants\u2014it will find its mass reflection\nin the party also.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The party leadership will try\nthrough bureaucratic and police means to suppress this opposition. And the\nso-called \u2018lefts\u2019 in the bureaucracy will add their weight to this repression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But, with solid working-class\nroots, socialist opposition in the party will cut across the suppression, and\ninsist on expressing itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the socialist movement\nfinally gains support nationally, as it will, potential left leaders in the\nbureaucracy will be faced with a personal challenge. Although they will\nruthlessly defend the party establishment in the beginning, they will also\ncalculate that such a movement could open the road to their individual advance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eventually we will see such\nopportunistic left leaders jumping on to a socialist rank and file movement in\nthe jockeying for power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But, in the period immediately\nahead, the real question is the perspectives for the emergence of opposition to\nthe capitalist policies of the party leadership in working-class channels\noutside the party framework itself. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

The youth<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is among the youth that a\nsocialist opposition is most likely first to develop. But there are definite layers\nof youth and there will be an uneven response to the genuine ideas of Marxism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Among the unemployed youth,\nhundreds of thousands are drafted into the party organisations and used as the\nfoot soldiers of the leadership. The youth in the Youth Brigades and Youth\nLeague are strongly attracted to the official ideas of \u2018socialism\u2019, but they\nwant the leadership to go further.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The school youth show the\ngreatest eagerness to absorb Marxist ideas. This democratic socialist\nopposition in embryo is already feared by the party bureaucracy, which has\ntried to limit political discussion in the schools. They are also more likely\nto emerge as an opposition because they resent the intimidation of the party\nyouth who insist on them turning out to their meetings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The youth have gained most from\nthe early period of reforms as there has been a massive expansion in secondary\neducation. But these advances in culture, and openings to the world of ideas\nand science, coupled with the inability of school-leavers to get jobs, have led\nto a critical assessment of the rampant careerism of the privileged bureaucracy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The initial spurt ahead in\neducation has now been followed by cuts, and this has resulted in declining\nstandards, particularly in O-levels. The O-level results in 1985 were shocking.\nThe pass rate declined from 43% in 1983 to 27% in 1985. Only 20% of the 73,000\ncandidates who sat for English passed. (Guardian<\/em>,\n21 October 1985) The shortage of suitable reading material has been blamed, but\nundoubtedly the problem is also the quality or teaching as youth show a great\ninterest in learning English.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The mood in the schools has\nchanged from one of optimism, progress, and sacrifice to one of growing disillusionment\nboth among pupils and teachers. This mood has been partly brought about by the\nrapid promotion of teachers to high-paid jobs. On the other hand there is the lack\nof job opportunities for school leavers. What are we studying for? ask the\nstudents. For the first time the problem of discipline is arising in the\nschools.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The lack of jobs for well-educated\nyouth is a time-bomb ticking away under the desks of the bureaucracy. The\nfigures on the lack of jobs are quite staggering\u2014only 34,000 jobs have been created since independence, while about\n170,000 school-leavers are joining the workforce every year<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the early years of\nindependence, this youth unemployment was partially disguised by the economic\nupturn and the whites leaving the civil service, which created a number of opportunities\nfor well-paid employment. Now apprenticeships are rare, and the monetarist\npolicies of the government have led to a freeze on civil service appointments.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some black bankers have even\ncalled for the firing of one-third of the civil servants as a way of reducing\nthe budget deficit. (Dr Julius Makoni, Herald<\/em>,\n10 August 1985)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The school-leavers are now \u2018all\ndressed up with nowhere to go’. Many girls despair of getting jobs and marry\nearly, while the boys search eagerly for a while and then, disillusioned, become\ndependent on the family.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At times the youth suffer from\npolitical instability. Without the strict discipline of struggle, they can\nbecome demoralised through prolonged joblessness, or seduced by the individual\nopportunities for advancement which still remain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The disillusionment of the\nchildren of the revolution is a severe warning to the reformist leadership. But\nfrom the point of view of Marxism it is an indication that the objective\nconditions are ripening for a turn towards revolutionary ideas among broad\nsections of the youth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The lack of jobs for\nschool-leavers will help to break down the gap which is dividing the school\nyouth from the mass of unemployed youth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The socialist youth will have to\nlearn the lessons of Marxism internationally to be able to make a real contribution\nto the development of Marxism in Zimbabwe. They will have to make a serious\nstudy of theory and of the perspectives for the Southern African and world\nrevolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

They will have to orient consciously towards the working-class\u2014towards the workers’ committees and unions, and towards the working masses in ZANU(PF) and the Youth Brigades. They will need to take up the problems of the mass of the youth and discuss with them a socialist way forward. It is only in this way that a conscious socialist opposition will get the ear of the struggling youth and workers, and gain a base among the tens of thousands of party youth. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Continue to Chapter Six<\/a><\/h4>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Leadership or Bureaucracy? The explosive pressures building up from below after the elections can be seen both in the demonstrations which were mounted against councillors […]<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":477,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-496","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"aioseo_notices":[],"acf":[],"_hostinger_reach_plugin_has_subscription_block":false,"_hostinger_reach_plugin_is_elementor":false,"brizy_media":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/496","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=496"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/496\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":509,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/496\/revisions\/509"}],"up":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/477"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=496"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}