{"id":233,"date":"2019-08-27T08:00:55","date_gmt":"2019-08-27T06:00:55","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/marxistworkersparty.org.za\/?page_id=233"},"modified":"2021-06-07T20:50:27","modified_gmt":"2021-06-07T18:50:27","slug":"4-socialism-revolutionary-trade-unionism","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/?page_id=233","title":{"rendered":"Socialism & Revolutionary Trade Unionism"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The heart of\nrevolutionary trade unionism is recognising that there is an alternative to\ncapitalism and understanding what that alternative is \u2013 socialism<\/em><\/strong>. Instead of\nsettling for never-ending conflict with the bosses, with the occasional\nunstable compromise, revolutionary trade unionism poses the necessity of linking\nday-to-day workplace struggles to the struggle for the socialist transformation\nof society. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Socialist Economy<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The seeds of a\nfuture socialist society have been planted within capitalism in the course of\nits own development. Private ownership of the economy gives the bosses\u2019 the\n\u2018right\u2019 to heap the wealth created by workers onto their own plates. In a\nsocialist economy individuals would not be allowed to own the \u2018commanding\nheights\u2019 of the economy. The banks, the mines, the commercial farms, the big\nfactories and the big businesses would be nationalised under democratic\nworkers\u2019 control.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Monopoly\ncapitalism has already prepared the ground for this. The development of share\nownership and stock exchanges has, in a sense, already socialised ownership\nwithin the capitalist class. Shares can be bought and owned by any capitalist,\nanywhere in the world. Often they don\u2019t even know what they own \u2013 and they don\u2019t\ncare as long as the profits keep flowing. The value of the 300+ companies\nlisted on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange was R14 trillion in 2016 and just the\nbiggest 25 companies accounted for R10 trillion of that. Capitalist share\nownership of the commanding heights of the economy must be replaced with socialist\npublic ownership<\/em><\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The competition\nbetween capitalist companies and the allocation of resources according to \u2018the\nmarket\u2019 creates economic crises and unemployment, at an international level it can\nlead to war. In a socialist economy competition and economic chaos would be\nreplaced with co-operation and democratic economic planning.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Again,\ncapitalism has already prepared the ground for us. The monopolies that dominate\nthe economy already employ and organise workers in huge numbers according to\ndetailed economic plans. But they leave the job half-finished. They plan\nproduction and distribution within<\/em><\/strong> companies but not between<\/em><\/strong>\ncompanies. Price-fixing and \u2018anti-competition\u2019 scandals are an admission by the\nbosses themselves that economic planning makes sense. In a socialist economy,\ninstead of Shoprite organising the work of their 130,000 workers in one\nisolated silo, and Pic N Pay organising the work of their 80,000 workers in\nanother, the entire food processing, retail and distribution sector would be\norganised according to one democratic economic plan. This would allow for a\nmassive reduction in waste and duplicated resources and ensure that the entire\ncountry was fed, clothed and able to access affordable household goods. In turn\nevery sector of the economy would be integrated into one national democratic\nplan of production.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But a socialist\neconomy cannot reach its full potential within the borders of one country. The\nwork of building a socialist economy is a worldwide task. Capitalism has\nalready created a world market and a vast international division of labour. No\ncountry that wants to enjoy all the benefits of modern society can retreat from\nit. For example, South Africa itself is the world\u2019s top platinum producer.\nPlatinum is used in many industrial processes and to make the catalytic\nconverters in cars. More is produced than could ever be used domestically in\nSouth Africa. On the other hand, there is no oil in South Africa. Oil is used to\nmake petrol and anything that contains plastic. Without the world economy we\nwould have mountains of platinum that we cannot use and no petrol or plastic! Every\ncountry will have its own examples of its dependence on the world economy. In\nthe 21st<\/sup> century it is inconceivable that any society could\n\u2018un-plug\u2019 from it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Driving the\ndevelopment of the world economy has been ever more ingenious industrial\nmethods and techniques. The most modern must be deployed upon huge scales to\nrealise their potential. For example, the Chinese steel industry, using the\nmost developed methods, can already supply the world\u2019s entire demand for steel.\nBut a dozen other countries have big steel industries too. It is only\ncapitalism that could have a \u2018crisis\u2019 of over<\/em><\/strong>-production for such a basic and\nnecessary product as steel. The results are trade wars, cuts to production and\njob losses as capitalist states defend the profitability of their \u2018own\u2019\nindustries. But what possible interest can workers either in China or any other\nsteel producing country have in this competition? The world working class must\nunite across borders in a joint struggle for socialism and in doing so lay the\nfoundations for an internationally planned economy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These measures\nare the foundation of socialist economy. Socialism will allow the wealth\ncreated by workers to be used to benefit the whole of society. Wages can be\nraised and jobs created. Decent and modern houses, clinics, hospitals and schools\ncan be built and high quality services organised. Ending poverty will\nenormously reduce crime and other social problems, including racism, sexism,\nhomophobia and xenophobia. Culture and life-long education will be developed.\nEveryone will have the chance to achieve their potential.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Socialist Democracy<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the trade\nunion struggle for greater democratic control of the workplace are the seeds of\na future workers\u2019 democracy able to run a socialist economy. The trade unions can\nplay a role in preparing workers to take over the running of society. In the\nworkplace trade unions challenge the bosses\u2019 control. Shop stewards intervene\nto defend the jobs of workers, to stop unfair work practices, or block\narbitrary changes to shifts. As the trade union movement develops elected and\naccountable shop stewards committees must push for more and more control in the\nworkplace \u2013 even over hiring and firing, the organisation of shifts etc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Trade union\neducation must not be limited to teaching shop stewards how to follow laws that\nultimately defend capitalist exploitation, necessary as this is. It must also\nteach workers about the history of trade unions, organising strategies and\npolitical education on all of the methods the bosses use to control and co-opt\nthe trade union movement, including their efforts to divide workers by gender,\nrace, sexuality, language and nationality. Trade union education must go\nfurther still and teach workers about administration, logistics and the\nindustrial and scientific techniques of production. This work can begin to lay\nthe foundations for a future workers\u2019 state where the key economic decisions in\nsociety can be taken democratically by workers themselves. The capitalist\nstate\u2019s threat of violence that hangs over our heads every day can be abolished.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Full employment\nunder socialism will allow us to reduce the length of the work week, without\nloss of pay, and create the time workers will need to run society. There is no\nreason we cannot organise a four day or even a three day week, without loss of\npay, and use one of these days for democratic discussion, oversight and\nplanning for the future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is the\nprogramme of revolutionary trade unionism \u2013 the preparation of the working\nclass to struggle for the socialist transformation of society. It is from this\nclear political foundation that revolutionary trade unionists\u2019 commitment to building\na class-independent and united movement of militant, democratic\nworker-controlled trade unions flows.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Principles from Programme<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Leon Trotsky wrote about the saying \u201cthe end justifies the means\u201d.\nHe rejected the idea that the two could be separated, pointing out that \u201cseeds\nof wheat must be sown in order to yield an ear of wheat.\u201d Trotsky explained\nwhat this means for revolutionaries\u2019 attitude to building the workers\u2019\nmovement. He said:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Permissible and obligatory are those and only those means \u2026 which unite the revolutionary proletariat, fill their hearts with irreconcilable hostility to oppression, teach them contempt for official morality [i.e. middle class\/capitalist \u2018common sense\u2019] and its democratic echoers [i.e. defenders of narrow capitalist \u2018democracy\u2019], imbue them with consciousness of their own historic mission, raise their courage and spirit of self-sacrifice in the struggle.<\/p> Their Morals and Ours, 1938<\/em> <\/cite><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

It is from our\nclear understanding of the socialist alternative to capitalism, our \u2018end\u2019 in\nthe language of Trotsky, that our principled commitment to building a class-independent\nand united movement of militant, democratic and worker-controlled trade unions\ncomes. Socialism cannot be built behind the backs of the working class but only\nby<\/em><\/strong>\nthe working class, with the organised workers of the trade unions in the front line.\nAnything that prevents or limits workers from preparing themselves to play their\n\u2018historic role\u2019 is in conflict with the programme of revolutionary trade\nunionism. That is why building such a trade union movement is written into the\nDNA of revolutionary trade unionism. It is necessary for the development of the\nworking class\u2019s socialist consciousness and their role in the struggle for the\nsocialist transformation of society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

So if\nrevolutionary trade unionists are the most determined fighters and\nincorruptible leaders, it is only because they stand firmly on the programme of\nrevolutionary trade unionism. It is the programme that workers must place their\nconfidence in; confidence in individuals must only be given to the extent that they\nrepresent and defend the programme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Militant Fighters<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Trade union\nbureaucrats who want to limit struggle will whisper to workers, \u201clook at these\nrevolutionaries, they only care about the socialist future<\/em>, they do not really care about the problems you have today<\/em>\u201d. But the opposite is true. The\nprogramme of revolutionary trade unionism prepares all those who stand on it to\nbe the most militant fighters. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Going all-out to\nwin every struggle is of critical importance because most people learn by\nexperience. Above all, nothing educates workers\u2019 about the nature of society,\nor builds confidence in their own power to change it, more than a victorious\nstruggle. Further, every struggle that wins higher wages, more secure jobs, or\nlonger paid-leave strengthens the working class by easing their struggle for\nsurvival. This gives workers more time and energy to organise and plan\ncampaigns, take part in political education etc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Armed with the\nsocialist alternative to capitalist exploitation, revolutionary trade unionists\ndo not enter struggle to balance the interests of the bosses and the workers.\nThey enter struggle 100% on the side of the workers. Instead of running from\nthe accusation that strikes are being \u2018politicised\u2019, revolutionary trade\nunionists go out of their way to do just that. Every struggle, no matter how\nsmall, or limited in its demands, must educate workers about the nature of\ncapitalism and their role in transforming society. Revolutionary trade\nunionists will push themselves to their limits to guarantee victories in all\nday-to-day struggles because they do not see them as separate from the struggle\nfor socialism but as necessary preparation for it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Compromises<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

That does not\nmean that revolutionary trade unionists are reckless, \u2018strike happy\u2019, or think\nthat every struggle can immediately be turned into a challenge to capitalism.\nThis is a childish criticism sometimes made by trade union bureaucrats. Sometimes\na compromise is unavoidable. Lenin answered such lazy criticisms when he explained\nthat:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The task of a truly revolutionary party is not to declare that it is impossible to renounce all compromises, but to be able, through all compromises, when they are unavoidable, to remain true to its principles, to its class, to its revolutionary purpose, to its task of paving the way for revolution and educating the mass of the people for victory in the revolution.<\/p> On Compromises<\/em>, 1917 <\/cite><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

For the trade\nunion bureaucrat with no alternative to capitalism, a compromise means making a\ndeal with the bosses behind the backs of the workers and then lying through\ntheir teeth to try and \u2018sell it\u2019. But for revolutionaries, an unavoidable\ncompromise with the bosses can only ever be understood as a tactical retreat\nand an opportunity to honestly educate workers. Revolutionary trade unionism\nhas no use for deception even in defeat. Lies cannot educate workers about what\nfuture victory will require, either in the immediate struggle or in the\nstruggle for socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Class Independence<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A clear\nunderstanding of the role of the capitalist state means revolutionary trade\nunionists refuse to be co-opted and integrated into it. Rather, they fiercely\ndefend independent class organisation. Our attitude towards the capitalist\nstate and its institutions must be a purely tactical one.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For example, parliament\ncannot abolish capitalism \u2013 it is part-and-parcel of the capitalist state which\nexists to defend capitalism. But through history this has not stopped workers\nfrom using the platform to win reforms that can improve the lives of the\nworking class but at the same time using it to expose the limitations of\ncapitalist democracy. Revolutionary trade unionism takes the same approach to\nthe capitalist state\u2019s different bargaining forums and labour courts. These\nwill never abolish class exploitation. But they can be used to win some\nconcessions and mount a basic defence of workers. This must be done at the same\ntime as exposing their limitations and their role in defending capitalism as a\nsystem. Ultimately, if unjust laws are a barrier to the success of workers\u2019\nstruggles then mass campaigns of defiance must be organised.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Democracy and Workers\u2019 Control<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Genuinely\ndemocratic trade union structures where workers are free to discuss, debate,\nreflect, hear different sides of an argument and exercise real control over\ntheir representatives and leaders are vital to maintain class independence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Democratic\nstructures act as forums for workers to discuss and debate their experiences of\nstruggle. Such discussions assist workers to draw important lessons and in\ndoing so gain a deeper understanding of the nature of capitalism and their own\nrole in the socialist transformation of society. It is totally alien to\nrevolutionary trade unionists to tolerate the limiting of democratic structures\nor their bureaucratic manipulation because this will limit workers\u2019 political\nand ideological growth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be as\nmuch of a problem if revolutionary trade unionists tried to impose our own programme\nbureaucratically. The working class cannot be tricked or manoeuvred into\nembracing the struggle for socialism. To the extent that a majority of workers\ncontinue to have illusions in capitalism, or do not yet have confidence that\nsocialism is \u2018realistic\u2019, revolutionary trade unionist\u2019s campaign for the\n\u2018hearts and minds\u2019 of workers is still incomplete. We would only be fooling\nourselves to pretend otherwise. Rather, it is necessary to analyse the cause of\nthose continuing illusions and find slogans, campaigns and organise education\nthat can help workers to overcome them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Further, the\nexercise of genuine control by workers over their own<\/em><\/strong> organisations is\nvital training for their future role in running a socialist society. Powerful\ndemocratic worker-controlled trade unions that are more and more capable of\nlimiting the power of the bosses and controlling the workplace lead workers to\nimportant and practical political conclusions. With the experience of growing\npower and control over at least some parts of their lives it will become normal\nfor workers to ask themselves the question: \u201cif we can run our own\norganisations, and via them influence and even control the workplace, why can\nwe not do away with the bosses entirely and run society ourselves?\u201d The\ndevelopment of a trade union in a workplace begins to pose the question \u2013 who\nreally controls this workplace? If this question is posed simultaneously in a\nmajority of workplaces then an even bigger question is on the agenda \u2013 which class<\/em><\/strong>\ncontrols society<\/em><\/strong>?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But if workers\nare limited and blocked by an unaccountable bureaucracy in their \u2018own\u2019\norganisations, in a mirror of the way they are blocked by the boss from\ndemocratic control in the workplace, confidence in their own powers will be\nundermined. Unaccountable leaders and bureaucratic structures only reinforce\nwhat the bosses preach \u2013 the subordinate role of the working class. For\nrevolutionary trade unionism, workers\u2019 control over their own organisations is\npreparation for the working class\u2019s control over society as a whole.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Administration vs. Bureaucracy<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Revolutionary\ntrade unionism arms us with a solid understanding of the causes of bureaucracy\n\u2013 which is the source of the suppression of democracy and workers\u2019 control in\ntrade unions. The bosses co-opt workers\u2019 leaders through privileges that lift\nthem out of the working class. By understanding this we are armed to resist it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Revolutionary\ntrade unionism calls on workers to demand that the organisation of vital administration<\/em><\/strong>,\nincluding the payment of salaries to organisers and certain elected officials,\ndoes not develop beyond what is necessary for it to be effective. This must of\ncourse take account of the fact that the payment of salaries was originally\nintended to relieve some of the financial pressure that working class people\nface. It is counter-productive if workers\u2019 leaders are always hungry and\nwondering where their next meal will come from, or if they are distracted\nbecause of the stress of not knowing how they will pay their rent. Such\ngrinding poverty can itself be a temptation to give in to corruption out of\ndesperation. Every union and every industry can determine what wage levels are\nrealistic and what is appropriate for their circumstances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sometimes revolutionaries\nwill win positions in unions where a culture of bureaucracy has already taken\nhold. Taking-up such posts will be a necessary part of the struggle to\ntransform the trade unions. Those that do so will find themselves receiving\nsky-high salaries and be given the possibility of claiming endless expenses. In\nsuch circumstances a revolutionary trade unionist must only take part of that\nsalary for their personal use and organise their expenses in an open way to\nprove to workers that all claims are legitimate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

The Revolutionary Party<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Every programme needs a vehicle\nto both protect it and to spread it. For us trade unions alone are not an\nadequate vehicle. A revolutionary party is also necessary. Trotsky explained\nwhy when he said:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The question of the relationships between the party, which represents the proletariat [working class] as it should be, and the trade unions, which represent the proletariat as it is, is the most fundamental question of revolutionary Marxism.<\/p> Communism and Syndicalism<\/em>, 1929 <\/cite><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Trotsky is pointing out that in\n\u2018normal times\u2019 the capitalist class uses its control of society \u2013 the state,\nthe media, education etc. \u2013 to encourage the working class to accept their\nexploitation. All sorts of reactionary and backward ideas are encouraged to\nkeep workers divided and ignorant. Ideologies that justify capitalism and try\nto rubbish socialism are transmitted into the trade union movement from the\ncapitalist class via privileged trade union bureaucrats. Supporters of\nrevolutionary trade unionism need to be organised to withstand these pressures\n\u2013 that form of organisation can only be a revolutionary party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A revolutionary\nparty works to win the working class to a revolutionary socialist programme in\nevery theatre of struggle \u2013 the workplaces, the communities, the schools and\nthe campuses \u2013 and not just in one country, but worldwide. A revolutionary\nsocialist programme is also the necessary starting point to build broader\nworking class unity. This is because socialism is a generalisation of the interests\nof the entire working class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Under\ncapitalism, the bosses constantly try and divide us. Sexism, racism,\nnationalism, homophobia and xenophobia are encouraged. They hope we will fight\neach other over their crumbs. But socialism can unite workers across these\ndivisions. A revolutionary socialist programme does not accept that crumbs are\nall that is possible. It explains that there is in fact enough for everyone \u2013\nit is only capitalism\u2019s system of private ownership and production for profit\nthat means poverty and inequality. To end capitalism the working class must unite\nin the struggle to create socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To guarantee that revolutionary trade\nunionism takes root in the trade unions it is necessary to have the goal of\nwinning the entire working class to a revolutionary socialist programme. The\nwhole working class united against the bosses and their system will be\nunstoppable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Revolutionary Work in the Unions<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The MWP is a revolutionary party. We exist to win the working class to a revolutionary socialist programme that arms them for the struggle to transform society. In the trade unions we build party caucuses around the ideas outlined in this booklet. Trotsky went so far as to say that any revolutionary who did not see the importance of such work had \u201clost touch with reality\u201d. How revolutionary trade unionists win over the broad majority of workers in the trade unions as the class struggle unfolds is a detailed tactical discussion that varies in every workplace, union and federation. The main role of our caucuses is to develop a way forward for every group of workers. But with the clear principles of revolutionary trade unionism we are armed for that struggle. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The organised political work of a revolutionary party like the MWP has nothing in common with the abusive treatment of the trade unions by the capitalist political parties. Wherever they walk in the workers\u2019 movement they leave division and conflict. That is because in one way or another any party that does not have an alternative to capitalism cannot genuinely express the interests of the working class, no matter how radical their rhetoric may sometimes be. Rather the activists and leaders of such parties only view the trade unions as machines to generate votes for their attempt to win control of the capitalist state. Toward this goal they are willing to resort to undemocratic manoeuvres and secret manipulations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the MWP is not trying to win control of the capitalist state and take over the management of capitalism. We are fighting to end capitalism! This means there is a huge difference in how we approach work in the trade unions. Trotsky explained that revolutionaries:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2026 have no reason, either in their ideology or their organisation, to hide themselves behind the trade unions. They do not misuse the trade unions for machinations behind the scenes. They do not split the trade unions when they are a minority in them. They do not in any way disturb the independent development of the trade unions, and they support trade union struggles with all their strength. But at the same time [the revolutionary party] reserves the right of expressing its opinion on all questions in the working class movement including the trade union question, to criticise trade union tactics, and to make definite proposals to the trade unions, which, on their part are at liberty to accept or reject these proposals. The party strives to win the confidence of the working class, above all, of that section organised in the trade unions.<\/p> A Necessary Discussion with Our Syndicalist Comrades<\/em>, 1923 <\/cite><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

As we have explained throughout this\npamphlet revolutionary trade unionism is not only in harmony with a militant,\ndemocratic and worker-controlled trade union movement \u2013 it demands it!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We call on every worker, shop steward,\ntrade union official and leader to take their stand on the programme of\nrevolutionary trade unionism. Join our party, involve yourself in our caucuses\nand work with us to transform the trade union movement, unite the working class\nand achieve victory in the struggle for socialism.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

What we stand\nfor:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n