{"id":1767,"date":"2020-07-07T16:39:28","date_gmt":"2020-07-07T14:39:28","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/marxistworkersparty.org.za\/?page_id=1767"},"modified":"2020-07-08T10:33:46","modified_gmt":"2020-07-08T08:33:46","slug":"resisting-the-wiehahn-riekert-attacks","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/?page_id=1767","title":{"rendered":"Resisting the Wiehahn-Riekert Attacks"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

\u2013 A contribution to the discussion in the workers\u2019 movement from Marxist activists in the South African Congress of Trade Unions<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

At this time, the single most important struggle of the workers\u2019 movement in South Africa is to resist<\/strong> the Wiehahn-Riekert strategy of the bosses and the apartheid regime.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Wiehahn and Riekert Commissions, and the resulting developments in government policies, are the response of the ruling class to the growing strength and militancy of the mass of the workers<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since the early 1960s the black working class has grown enormously in numbers<\/strong>, while at the same time occupying new strategic positions in production<\/strong>. In the 1970s the workers have shown their strength in wave after wave of struggle, against the employers and against the state. The high points in this struggle \u2013 the Natal strikes of 1973; the unrest on the mines; the political general strikes in 1976 \u2013 are beyond anything achieved before in the workers movement in South Africa.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is the militant struggle of the oppressed workers which the ruling class fears above all else, for it threatens the survival of the apartheid regime and the system of capitalist exploitation. The Wiehahn report spelt this out very clearly. It also pointed out the dangers for the ruling class in the growing support of the international labour movement for the struggles of South African workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The workers of South Africa have long experienced brutal repression. Further attacks of a different kind have now been prepared by the Wiehahn and Riekert Commissions \u2013 to undermine the workers\u2019 movement by cunning instead of solely<\/strong> by brute force. The workers must be prepared for these attacks. What are the reasons for this change of strategy by the ruling class? How must the workers set about defeating these attacks?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Capitalist Crisis<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The roots of the present great upsurge of the workers\u2019 struggle in South Africa lie in the economic crisis<\/strong> in the country. This crisis is a part of the worldwide crisis<\/strong> of the capitalist system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The long economic boom after the Second World War has come to an end<\/strong>. World capitalism is in decay. In place of the boom has come, not a sudden slump, but the beginnings of a long downward trend, interrupted only by occasional, short upswings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In all the capitalist countries the bosses, seeing their profits falling, are attacking the living standards of the workers. Everywhere under capitalism the workers are facing the problems of rising prices, unemployment and cuts in real wages<\/strong>. And the working class, strengthened during the boom, is fighting back!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The effect of the post-war boom was mainly in the advanced, industrialised capitalist countries. In the colonial and ex-colonial countries, economic development during the boom was only partial and uneven, with the standard of living of the masses in most countries actually falling<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, with the new convulsions of world capitalism in decline, the revolutionary explosions of the past twenty-five years in Asia, Africa and Latin America will be multiplied on an even greater scale<\/strong>. In the world centres of capitalist power, the mighty organised working class is once again taking to the road of militant struggle<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The power of the world working class<\/strong> \u2013 both in the workers\u2019 states and in the capitalist countries \u2013 plus the bankruptcy of the capitalist system<\/strong>, accounts for the weakness of the imperialists, and for the extreme instability of most of the capitalist regimes (whether \u2018democratic\u2019 or military-police dictatorships). These same factors are at the root of the victory of the national liberation struggles and the overthrow of capitalism even in very poor and under-developed countries like Mozambique and Angola.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

The Crisis in South Africa<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In South Africa the boom, particularly during the 1960s, led to a massive expansion of industry. Mechanisation has drawn in black workers in their hundreds-of-thousands into semi-skilled, operative, assembly-line work. But the growth in production has produced few, if any, economic benefits for black workers. Politically, their oppression is worse than ever.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The slide of South African capitalism into recession has worsened conditions for the workers very sharply. Through the regime of apartheid, the bosses are loading the main burden of the crisis onto the backs of the black working class.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

To restore their profits, the capitalists aim to cheapen the products of industry so that they can sell these in the world market. To do so, they have to mechanise more, speed up production lines, lengthen the working day and drive down real wages.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wages already at starvation level are cut even further as the prices of food, rent, fares and clothing rise. For the sake of the bosses\u2019 profits, jobs are cut back \u2013 while those on the line are worked harder. The pass laws are toughened and enforced more fiercely than ever to control the workers and the unemployed. The jobless and homeless are driven from the cities and dumped in the Bantustans, to make South Africa \u2018safe\u2019 for the ruling class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Workers\u2019 Struggle<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Against this tightening noose<\/strong> of oppression and exploitation, the black workers have launched themselves into battle. In the mines, docks, factories and farms, in the schools, the townships and the reserves struggles are waged \u2013 for higher wages; against higher rents, fares and prices; against sackings; for trade union rights; for housing and education; against evictions and removals; against the pass laws and the migrant labour system; for political rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Each strike, each protest, brings the workers\u2019 movement into direct confrontation with the apartheid regime. Each strike, each struggle, exposes the bankruptcy of capitalism and of the ruling class<\/strong> \u2013 its inability to develop the economy, to provide jobs and a decent living for the people, or to take society forward; its ability only to suppress and enslave society for the greed and profit of the rich and few.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Each strike, each protest, brings to the fore the link between the capitalists and their state, and poses the need to defeat their power with the revolutionary power of the organised and armed mass of the working class<\/strong>. Each strike and each struggle points a small part of the way forward to a new organisation of society; a society under the control of the working people, with production planned for need not profit; a society of national liberation, democracy and socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Political Crisis<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The economic crisis, and the strength of the working class<\/strong>, have led to political crisis for the ruling class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

No capitalist class can rule alone. In South Africa, until now, the ruling class has been able to dominate and control the majority of the workers (the blacks) by depending on the white middle class and labour aristocracy for support. But the increasing strength and militancy of the black working class has made this an insufficient basis of political rule.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The ruling class is forced to modify<\/strong> the method of its dictatorship over the workers: firstly, by trying to cultivate the black middle class<\/strong> as a buffer against the power of the black workers and as an agent of capitalist control; and secondly, by trying to create new divisions<\/strong> in the ranks of the working class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The ruling class has left this turn too late to give it any lasting prospect of success. In this period, as events have shown, half-hearted concessions directed towards small sections of the oppressed people merely sharpen the thirst of the masses for their freedom and provoke greater demands. However, for the ruling class to delay the changes, means to pile up even bigger problems and dangers for itself in future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same time, to cheapen products, the capitalists are compelled to undermine the privileges and job security of white workers, displacing them with cheaper black labour. This is provoking resistance among the lower layers of the whites, although initially<\/strong> it is taking a reactionary and racist direction.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thus the regime begins to lose its stability; it is forced to twist and weave. The indecision over the new constitutional proposals, \u2018Muldergate\u2019, the threatening splits in the Nationalist Party, and the confusion in all<\/strong> the capitalist parties are signs of this. They are signs of a ruling class that is losing its ability to rule.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The rising strength of the working class; the growing weakness of the ruling class \u2013 these are the main facts of the present period in the South African struggle. But, however favourable the objective circumstances may be, these cannot decide the outcome in favour of the workers. The key element remains the subjective factor \u2013 the organisation of the working class and its leadership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Without a clear understanding<\/strong> in the workers\u2019 movement of the Wiehahn-Riekert strategy of the ruling class; without correct tactics<\/strong> based on this understanding; without a firm determination on the part of the workers\u2019 leaders<\/strong> to organise and fight \u2013 our struggle could suffer a setback, even a temporary defeat<\/strong>. That is why we have felt it our duty to put forward these general ideas for consideration and discussion in the workers\u2019 movement, as our organisations prepare to confront the new strategy of the enemy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

The Wiehahn-Riekert Strategy<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The weakening of the ruling class provokes it to greater cunning and greater ruthlessness. The Wiehahn-Riekert strategy is an attempt by the bosses to recover the initiative before there is a new explosion of the mass struggle, such as in 1976.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The capitalists aim to tighten their control over the working class inside and outside the factory<\/strong>. Both the Wiehahn and Riekert Commissions pointed out that the workers\u2019 struggles have been weakening and defeating the old methods of control. Now new methods<\/strong> are proposed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Our rulers will continue to repress the workers\u2019 struggles wherever they can by victimisation, the pass laws, police violence, etc. But they have found that these methods are not enough. To control<\/strong> the workers, they know that they have to divide<\/strong> the workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The most important of the old divisions has been race<\/strong>. But the development of industry has been undermining the old divisions. As more and more workers are turned into machine-operators, divisions of skill and craft break down. \u2018Migrant\u2019 and \u2018settled\u2019 workers, African, Coloured and Indian (and sometimes white) women and men are thrown together in production. The basis for workers\u2019 unity is strengthened.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Wiehahn-Riekert strategy probes the working class with a knife, testing out points of weakness where new lines of division can be cut. Their central aim is to separate the \u2018settled\u2019 workers (those with Section 10 rights) from the migrants by promising some concessions to the settled workers. This aims to isolate the migrant workers, who have spearheaded many struggles in the recent period, from the rest of the class. It is a cynical manoeuvre to try and reopen the scars of the division which emerged among the African workers for a short time in Soweto and Cape Town in 1976, and which were healed as the struggle developed. It is an attempt to load the heaviest burden of the economic crisis onto the migrant workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The first battles against the Wiehahn-Riekert strategy of the ruling class are already being fought. Crossroads is an outstanding example.<\/strong> In Crossroads, the working people have been resisting the attempt by the regime to demolish their homes and evict them to the Bantustans. Through careful preparation and organisation, through a firm, united and militant resistance<\/strong>, they have fought back against repression and forced the regime to back down.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is a gain<\/strong> which was wrung from the regime, not by the liberals or the churches or the Urban Foundation, but by the mass organisation and struggle of the people of Crossroads themselves. The firmness and clarity of their stand won support very quickly, at home and around the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The lessons of Crossroads are very important for the whole workers\u2019 movement to study and build on.<\/strong> Each move by the regime to impose its new strategy must be resisted. The conditions for resistance are favourable. A firm and clear stand<\/strong> now by the workers\u2019 movement can create the conditions for moving forward rapidly in the future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

The Independent Unions<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

During the 1970s, the forward movement of the workers has laid the basis once again for mass open organisations to develop, widening the sphere in which legal struggle is possible. The new growth over the past six or seven years of independent African unions outside the strait jacket of the government\u2019s labour laws<\/strong> is a result of the strength and militancy of the workers in this period.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If the ruling class had the power simply to destroy the organisations of the working class it would always do so.<\/strong> But the ruling class in South Africa understands clearly that such a policy towards the trade unions today would not succeed \u2013 the workers would continue to organise underground and the movement would not suffer a defeat.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is this recognition of the strength of the workers which has persuaded our enemies to look for new methods <\/strong>of bringing the organised workers under control. If they are now offering \u2018legal recognition\u2019 to African unions, it is solely for the purpose of bringing the unions under state control<\/strong>. That is what the government intends by offering to the independent unions the \u2018benefit\u2019 of registration<\/strong> \u2013 while threatening penalties against those which refuse to register.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This legislation can result in a crisis for the workers\u2019 movement unless the government\u2019s purpose is clearly understood and its new tactics firmly resisted.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The terms on which the unions will be granted registration, the restriction and supervision of their activities by the state, the powers given to the Manpower Commission and the Industrial Court, are all designed to strike at the heart of independent workers\u2019 organisation<\/strong>. Clinging for the present to the old restrictions on racially mixed unions, the regime is at the same time preparing new divisions and new attacks on workers\u2019 unity. The most serious threat is that of excluding \u2018migrant\u2019 and \u2018commuter\u2019 workers from the right to trade union membership.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is the responsibility of the whole workers\u2019 movement to fight these attacks on the independent unions.<\/strong> In working out tactics, it is vitally important to recognise that the general character<\/strong> of this period is one of the growing weakness of the ruling class in the face of working class advance. There must be no giving in to the poisonous \u2018concessions\u2019 offered by the regime to the trade union movement in the proposed legislation. No registration at the price of division and state control over the unions!<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Combine Legal and Illegal Resistance!<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Great strides have been made towards the unity in struggle<\/strong> of all workers by the independent unions in the last few years. The movement of the African workers has encouraged other sections of the workers into action. The formation of Fosatu reflects the striving on the part of rank-and-file union members for a strong, united trade union movement that can take the struggle forward. Drawing \u2018registered\u2019 unions into association with \u2018unregistered\u2019, Fosatu points away from state controls towards independent unionism based on the African majority of the workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

All<\/strong> the independent unions have a major responsibility to mobilise workers\u2019 resistance through the unions against the Wiehahn proposals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Of course, everyone can see that there is a limit to what the legal organisations can do in the struggle, because they have to work openly right under the hammer of state repression. But this fact must not be allowed to become an excuse<\/strong> for anyone<\/strong> in the unions to hold back from struggle. For the legal limits are not absolute, and every effort must he made to widen the field in which legal mass organisation is allowed. Only struggle<\/strong> can force our rulers on the retreat and loosen the chains by which the law binds us.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the regime or the bosses retreat, we press home our advantage. But we can afford no illusions to creep into the workers\u2019 movement as a result of the expanding opportunities for legal work. In the situation of crisis, the ruling class cannot afford to allow any gains by the workers\u2019 movement to stand unchallenged for long. The more the ruling class is cornered, the more it will grow desperate. At any sign of weakness in the workers\u2019 movement the already heavy weight of repression can be suddenly and savagely increased.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same time the ruling class will try to turn the leadership of the workers\u2019 organisations into instruments of control over the workers. The ruling class searches incessantly for elements who can be corrupted and turned against us.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Therefore, while we press forward our struggle through working legally in the open unions, we must at the same time build the resistance underground<\/strong>. Here our work can be protected against the police, and defend against pressures towards reformism and capitulation to the power of the bosses and the state. From the underground base we can work to keep the legal unions on course, building them as weapons of the resistance<\/strong>. Here there can be developed the links between our immediate demands and the all-round struggle to break the chains<\/strong> that bind us, through the overthrow of the apartheid regime and the capitalist system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

The Tasks of Sactu<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of its history, its long involvement in the liberation struggle, and the sound principles of workers\u2019 unity and working class independence established in its Constitution nearly twenty-five years ago, Sactu<\/strong> is an organisation with a clear responsibility to build underground trade union organisation<\/strong> in South Africa today. But for more than fifteen years Sactu has been confined almost entirely to an exile existence. In the recent period, militants inside and outside the country have struggled in Sactu to urge on the leadership (based in exile) the pressing need<\/strong> to fulfil its responsibility to the workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Workers Unity<\/em> was started up as the official paper of Sactu from January 1977 mainly in order to become an organising weapon for underground work in South Africa. The tasks of building underground trade unionism were also the central focus of the Sactu policy document, Looking Forward<\/em> (January 1978).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the struggle to take these tasks forward in Sactu has unfortunately encountered serious opposition. It was clear from the start that Workers Unity<\/em> could develop as a real workers\u2019 paper only to the extent that Sactu fulfilled its purpose of becoming an organisation of the workers; rooted in the everyday struggles within the country. But there is no sign that this development is taking place. In fact, the signs are to the contrary.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Editorial Board of Workers Unity<\/em> became increasingly bogged down<\/strong> in conflict which reflected serious political differences on what the role and tasks of Sactu were.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In April this year, as a contribution to the discussion and resolution of these problems, the editor of Workers\u2019 Unity<\/em> submitted a memorandum to the National Executive Committee of Sactu. The memorandum argued:<\/p>\n\n\n\n