{"id":1032,"date":"2019-12-10T11:44:21","date_gmt":"2019-12-10T09:44:21","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/marxistworkersparty.org.za\/?page_id=1032"},"modified":"2020-04-23T11:45:11","modified_gmt":"2020-04-23T09:45:11","slug":"trade-union-unity","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/?page_id=1032","title":{"rendered":"Trade Union Unity"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><em>Originally appeared in Inqaba Ya Basebenzi No. 12\n(November 1983-February 1984)<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Editorial Board statement which was circulated in\nSouth Africa on 20 February 1984. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>At the<a href=\"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/?page_id=1027\"> trade union unity talks last October<\/a>, long-standing differences of attitude towards the formation of a new federation came sharply to the surface.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The occasion for\nthe open-rift was not accidental \u2013 the discussion had moved from the stage of\nverbal generalities to the stage of practical commitment. Unions were expected\nto supply precise information about their organised strength, to enable\ndetailed negotiations to take place, leading to the creation of one union in\neach industry, within one united federation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>When Saawu, Gawu\nand Macwusa\/Gwusa representatives proved unwilling or unable to provide the\nnecessary details, the representatives of Fosatu, Cusa, FCWU, CCAWUSA, GWU and\nCTMWA decided to continue the discussions themselves \u2013 if necessary without the\nparticipation of the first-mentioned unions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In place of the\nprevious &#8216;feasibility committee&#8217;, a &#8216;co-ordinating committee&#8217; was formed comprising\ndelegates from each union willing to submit detailed information, to discuss\nproblems of demarcation and other issues.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Subsequently,\nthe next round of unity talks scheduled for 13 November did not take place.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>After the high\nhopes for unity raised by earlier progress, the apparently sudden setback in\nOctober, followed by the postponement in November, led to an atmosphere of disappointment\namong most workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Reports in the\nSA bourgeois press cultivated this mood \u2013 and it was not effectively counteracted\nby union leaders. On the whole, union members have not been kept fully informed\nabout the precise difficulties in the way of unity \u2013 nor have they been\ninvolved adequately in the discussion of how these difficulties can be\novercome. As a result, even union activists began expressing a general\npessimism about the prospects for uniting the unions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Most of the\nreports from workers which have reached the <em>Inqaba<\/em>\nEditorial Board in the past three months have reflected this pessimism.\nHowever, on studying detailed notes made during successive phases of the unity\ntalks, it is clear that a high level of agreement on principle and on practical\nissues has been reached between the representatives of Cusa and Fosatu \u2013 the\ntwo industrial federations \u2013 as well as FCWU, GWU, CCAWUSA and CTMWA.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A sound basis\nstill exists for the formation of a new federation which would include at least\nthe major sections of workers organised in industry.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>With the next\nround of unity talks scheduled for 3 March, <em>Inqaba<\/em>\nsupporters in the various unions are asked to discuss with their fellow workers\nthe points outlined below, and let the Editorial Board have their comments, as\nwell as reports on the developing situation, as soon as possible.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(1)<\/strong> The rebuilding of the\ntrade union movement by African workers over the past ten years has begun to\nraise the confidence and understanding of black workers generally that the\nworking class has the power to win struggles against the class enemy, <strong>and the potential in due course to take on\nand defeat the bosses and the state<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(2)<\/strong> Workers seek the unity\nof the trade union movement in order to extend and build this power, and to\ntest it in action. Progress towards trade union unity is a vital element in the\nmorale and readiness to struggle of the entire working class \u2013 of the organised\nand unorganised workers, as well as the youth, the women at home, and the\npeople working on the land. In turn, it affects the middle layers of society,\nwho can be won to the side of the working class when the workers&#8217; movement\ndemonstrates its power and vitality in action.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(3)<\/strong> The divisions in the\nindependent, democratic trade union movement have arisen from the different\nbeginnings of organisation in different areas over the past decade \u2013 but these\ndifferences have been hardened and deepened in the recent period, not by any\nfundamental differences among the rank-and-file, but by rival ambitions,\nideological standpoints which are not clearly worked out, and conservative\nnarrowness of outlook on the part of some union leaders seeking merely to\nsafeguard their own positions in the face of the tidal movement of the working\nclass which is now arising.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(4)<\/strong> In standing for the\nunity of the trade unions in one national federation, we must urge upon all\nunion leaders the utmost flexibility and readiness to compromise on secondary\norganisational issues, while standing firm on the need for:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\"><li>democratic workers&#8217; control of every union;<\/li><li>opposition in principle to racial division of the working class movement;<\/li><li>the freedom of different political tendencies in the working class movement to put their point of view before the workers, subject to the discipline in action of abiding by majority decisions democratically made.<\/li><\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(5)<\/strong> The setback in the\nOctober unity talks (with the open rift between Saawu, Gawu and Macwusa\/Gwusa\non the one hand, and Fosatu, Cusa, FCWU, CCWUSA, GWU and CTMWA on the other)\nhas disappointed the hopes of workers for an <strong>all-embracing federation<\/strong>. Exploiting this situation, the\nstrategists of the capitalist class, their press and their state, have tried to\npropagate the idea that trade union unity is now unachievable \u2013 and (so they\nhope) break the momentum towards unity on the part of the organised workers. <strong>It is necessary to fight against this view.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(6)<\/strong> In reality, there is\nstill a favourable prospect of forming a new federation which would represent a\nsignificant step forward for the trade union movement, and so advance the\nlonger-term prospect of wider unity. A new federation could now be formed\ncomprising at least the workers in the main industrial unions \u2013 which would include\nthe vast majority of organised black workers. This will be possible provided\nthat the pressure of the rank-and-file workers for unity is kept up, and the\nnecessary political will and clarity of purpose prevails on the part of trade\nunion leaders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(7) Industrial unions the backbone.<\/strong> The backbone of a new federation \u2013 which, it is generally agreed,\nmust comprise one national union in each industry \u2013 would consist primarily of\nCusa&#8217;s National Union of Mineworkers plus the major industrial unions of Fosatu\nfused together with their Cusa and other equivalents. Around this backbone, the\nflesh of a mighty united federation of labour could form (allowing also for one\nor more general unions covering only those sectors of workers who do not fall\ninto any of the main industrial demarcations).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(8) United Front policy.<\/strong>\nIf Saawu, Gawu or Macwusa\/Gwusa remain initially outside a new industrial\nfederation, what policy should be followed towards them by those who do join?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Firstly<\/strong>, a genuine\nfraternal invitation to these unions to bring their forces into the new\nfederation should be maintained at all times, despite the bitterness and even\nhostility which has developed in the recent period.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Secondly<\/strong>, a clear\ndistinction must be drawn between union leaders who obstruct unity and the\nrank-and-file who need and want unity. A hostile attitude towards the members\nof Saawu, etc., must not be allowed to take root in the ranks of the new\nfederation \u2013 for only the enemies of the working class will gain from that.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Thirdly<\/strong>, it is vital that\nthe leaders of all unions entering into \u2013 or preparing to enter into \u2013 a new\nfederation should maintain a policy of calling for unity in action with the\nunions which remain outside. For this purpose a national <strong>program of action<\/strong> on minimum wage and other demands should be put\nforward. Also, the creation of local solidarity action committees should be\nsupported for the purpose of cementing unity at rank-and-file level, and for\nextending the hand of co-operation, and the invitation to joint struggle, to\nthe workers of unions remaining for the time being outside the framework of the\nnew federation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Only by means of\nsuch an active policy can the ranks of those other unions be persuaded to bring\ntheir organisations into the new federation, and the efforts of some leaders to\nsow hostility and frustrate unity can be overcome.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(9)<\/strong> In the course of forming a new federation:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>(a) Priority\nshould be given to fusing together the present rival industrial unions, on a\nbasis of &#8220;one industry, one union&#8221;, under democratic constitutions.\nKey here are the industrial unions of Fosatu and Cusa \u2013 plus FCWU in the food\nindustry, the component parts of GWU in engineering, transport, etc. To achieve\nthis fusion, direct discussions between the industrial unions themselves are\nalso necessary.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>(b) The main\nindustrial unions (foremost among them the NUM and Mawu) should take the lead\nin proposing practical measures (inside Cusa and Fosatu, and also publicly), to\nget the federation under way as soon as possible.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>(c) Representation\non the leading bodies of the federation should be<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>primarily in\nproportion to the authenticated membership of the various industrial unions,\netc., which comprise the federation;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>but also with\nsome weighting to ensure a voice for the smaller unions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>(d) To resolve\nthe conflict over whether representation at federation conferences\/congresses\nshould be according to <strong>paid-up\nmembership<\/strong> or <strong>signed-up membership<\/strong>,\na compromise should be sought<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\"><li>giving recognition to the aim of ensuring fully paid-up membership as a criterion of union strength,<\/li><li>but also recognising that, in some industries and some areas, especially where stop-order facilities are denied or where repression is very severe, this criterion alone would not fully reflect the strength or fairly represent the membership of unions concerned.<\/li><\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p>One way out of\nthe conflict could be<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\"><li>to guarantee (as a minimum) representation according to paid-up membership, and<\/li><li>to allow <strong>additional<\/strong> representation in respect of non-paid-up members where the union concerned is able to satisfy a control commission (consisting of worker leaders from several unions who enjoy the trust of the whole movement) that the additional members claimed are, despite not being paid-up, authentically organised union members.<\/li><\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p>A method such as\nthis could ensure fair representation, e.g., to trade union members in East\nLondon, mineworkers in Bophuthatswana, and so on, without details which would\nendanger them being publicly revealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(10) Subordinate disagreements<\/strong>, e.g., on whether officials should be allowed to be included with\nvoting rights on delegations; on whether funds should be accepted from abroad,\nand how funds of the federation should be controlled; on whether regional\nstructures (acknowledged to be necessary) should have formal decision-making\npowers, etc. \u2013 if such questions cannot be settled in advance, at least temporarily,\nthrough compromise \u2013 should be left to be decided by argument and voting at the\nfirst federation conference\/congress, when rival proposals can be put in the\nform of resolutions before the delegates, or where alternative versions of\nparticular clauses in a proposed constitution can be submitted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>(11) <\/strong>The main point to stress is that the unity of the trade unions \u2013 if it is to be real \u2013 must be <strong>based<\/strong>, not so much on paper formulas and complete unanimity at the top, as on the <strong>active solidarity in struggle<\/strong> of the unions&#8217; ranks. Therefore the key to the progress of the trade union movement remains its political leadership and direction, which must be embodied above all in a <strong>program of action<\/strong> and a <strong>united front policy<\/strong>. For this the leaders of the main industrial unions, the &#8220;heavy battalions&#8221; of the labour movement \u2013 especially the NUM and Mawu \u2013 have the main responsibility. It is a responsibility not only towards their own members, but to the movement as a whole.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u00a9 <em>Transcribed from the original by the Marxist Workers Party (2019).<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><a href=\"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/?page_id=1036\">Continue to Part Four<\/a><\/h4>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<div class=\"mh-excerpt\"><p>Originally appeared in Inqaba Ya Basebenzi No. 12 (November 1983-February 1984) Editorial Board statement which was circulated in South Africa on 20 February 1984. At <a class=\"mh-excerpt-more\" href=\"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/?page_id=1032\" title=\"Trade Union Unity\">[&#8230;]<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":1021,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-1032","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"aioseo_notices":[],"acf":[],"_hostinger_reach_plugin_has_subscription_block":false,"_hostinger_reach_plugin_is_elementor":false,"brizy_media":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/1032","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1032"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/1032\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1286,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/1032\/revisions\/1286"}],"up":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/1021"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marxistworkersparty.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1032"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}